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"We  lead  ail  nations  in  Agriculture,  we  lead 
all  nations  in  Mining,  and  we  lead  all  nations  in 
Manufacturing.  These  are  the  trophies  which 
we  bring  after  twenty-nine  years  of  a  Protective 
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dence of  prosperity?  There  is  no  country  in  the 
world  where  individual  enterprise  has  such  wide 
and  varied  range  and  where  the  inventive  genius 
of  man  has  such  encouragement." 

— WM.  Mckinley,  Jr. 


The 

Republican  Campaign 
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For  1892. 


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352 


PRESIDENT  HARRISON. 


Just  the  Kind  of  an  American  Whom 
Americans  Love  to  Honor. 


A  SKETCH  OF  HIS  LIFE  AND  RECORD, 


Soldier  and  Statesman. 


Benjamin  Harrison,  twenty-third  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  born  in  North  Bend,  Oliio,  August  20,  1833. 
His  father,  John  Scott  Harrison,  was  twice  elected  to  Con- 
gress; his  grandfather,  William  Henry  Harrison,  the  hero 
of  Tippecanoe,  was  the  ninth  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  Benjamin  Harrison,  his  great-graudfatlier,  a 
signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  was  four 
limes  Member  of  Congress,  and  three  times  Governor 
of  Virginia;  all  were  "men  of  rugged  character,  plain 
and  unpretending.  Like  the  boyhood  of  Lincoln 
and  Grant,  tlie  early  years  of  Benjamin  Harrison 
were  spent  in  a  coimtry  home,  in  a  section 
where  schools  were  few.  But  the  lessons  learned  by  the 
President  in  his  youth  were  more  needful,  perhaps,  to  the 
full  development  of  his  character  than  the  study  of  books 
-  -the  lessons  of  industry  and  thrift.  In  this  school  of  ex- 
perience he  acquired  that  love  of  and  capacity  for  hard, 
earnest  work  which  leads  him  now  to  attend  to  his  own 
correspondence  rather  than  use  a  stenographer. 

John  Scott  Harrison,  the  President's  fatlier,  was  never 
a  politician.  Public  honors  he  did  not  care  for.  He 
found  in  the  homely  tasks  of  the  farm  his  life  work,  and 
in  laboring  to  give  his  children  a  good  education  his  high- 
est duty.  Benjamin  took  a  serious  interest  in  the  farm 
work.  His  tasks  were  similar  to  those  of  the  farmer 
boy  of  to-day.  He  worked  in  the  fields,  helped  at  harvest 
time,  and  it  is  said  that  the  tallow  dips  which  liglited  up 
the  big  "  family  room"  at  the  evening  gatherings  were 
made  by  him. 

The  Harrison  home  was  hallowed  by  the  presence  of  a 
Christian  mother.  Mrs.  Harrison  was  a  woman  of  much 
gentleness,  strength  and  earnestness.  Her  spirit  per- 
vaded the  place,  and  its  influence,  exerted  more  through 
example  than  admonition,  instilled  in  her  boys  traits 
which  made  the  possessors  of  them  upright  men  and  good 
citizens. 

Harrison  at  School. 

Amidst  such  environments  President  Harrison  passed 
his  childhood.  The  countiy  surrounding  the  farm  was 
sparsely    settled.     It    offered    none    of    the    advantages 

23,3978 


for  education  that  the  father  was  so  anxious  his  children 
should  enjoy,  so  he  engaged  private  teachers  and  opened 
a  school  in  a  log  cabin  not  far  from  the  farm.  In  this  rough 
building  Benjamin's  school  life  began.  The  masters  had 
but  few  facilities  for  teaching.  Books  were  scarce  and 
costly.  The  school-house  was  meanly  furnished,  tlie 
windows  were  small  and  few,  cracks  and  openings  in 
roof  and  sides  let  in  wind  and  rain,  and  the  seats  were 
made  of  slabs  without  backs.  The  future  President  was 
an  apt  pupil.  He  soon  outgrew  his  teacher's  ability  to 
give  him  further  instruction.  At  the  age  of  fourteen  he 
was  sent  to  Farmer's  College,  at  College  Hill,  near  Cin- 
cinnati. Here  he  began  the  study  of  the  dead  languages 
and  acquired  a  love  for  literature  that  he  still  cherishes. 
In  the  fall  of  1850  he  entered  the  junior  class  at  Miami 
University,  where  he  was  graduated,  in  1852,  fourth  in  a 
class  of  sixteen.  While  at  the  university  he  first  dis- 
played that  remarkable  talent  for  extempore  speaking 
which  he  has  so  often  exhibited  to  the  admiration  of  the 
public  since  he  became  Chief  Magistrate. 

Early  an  Orator. 

In  1853  he  married  Miss  Caroline  Scott,  a  daughter  of 
Dr.  John  W.  Scott,  principal  of  a  young  ladies'  seminary 
at  Oxford,  Ohio. 

President  Harrison's  earliest  inclinations  with  regard  to 
a  profession  were  towards  the  law,  and  after  leaving 
Miami  he  began  to  study  in  Cincinnati  in  the  office  of 
Stover  &  Gwynne.  His  practice  began  in  Indianapolis, 
where  he  settled  in  1854.  He  formed  a  copartnership 
with  Mr.  William  Wallace,  and  of  his  abilities  as  a  lawyer 
Mr.  Wallace  says:  "He  very  soon  displayed  his  admi- 
rable qualities.  He  was  quick  of  apprehension,  clear, 
methodical  and  logical  in  his  analysis  and  statement  of 
a  case.  He  possessed  a  natural  faculty  for  getting  the 
exact  truth  out  of  a  witness.  In  this  he  has  few  equals 
anywhere  in  the  profession ;  ♦  ♦  *  and  when  occa- 
sion demanded  he  showed  the  rarest  powers  of  the  genuine 
orator." 

First  Successes  at  the  Bar. 

At  this  time  the  President  was  twenty-one  years  of  age. 
He  was  poor.  It  was  a  hard  struggle  for  daily  bread. 
He  even  did  the  work  around  the  house  for  a  long  time 
that  he  might  not  exceed  in  expenditure  his  income. 
His  noble  wife  cheerfully  shared  with  him  the  burden. 
The  story  is  told  how  he  first  came  into  prominence  as  a 
lawyer.  He  had  been  engaged  as  counsel  in  an  important 
suit.  When  the  time  came  for  him  to  make  his  argument 
he  was  much  disconcerted  to  find  the  room  too  dark  for 
him  to  read  from  the  copious  notes  he  had  taken  of  the 
evidence.  In  desperation  he  1  ng  the  notes  aside  and 
began  to  speak.  He  found  his  memory  perfect  and  him- 
self at  ease.  His  argument  was  unanswerable,  and 
the  cause  was  won.  He  soon  became  recognized  as  one 
of  the  ablest,  as  well  as  the  most  painstaking,  members 
of  the  Indiana  bar.  His  partnership  with  Mr,  Wallace 
ended  with  his  election,  in  1860,  as  Reporter  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  a  position  to  which  he  was  re-elected  in 
1864. 


He  Goes  to  the  War  Like  a  Man. 

President  Harrison  began  to  take  an  active  part  in  poli- 
tics so  early  as  185(3.  In  the  first  Lincoln  campaign  he 
came  into  notice  as  a  political  speaker.  In  the  great  de- 
bates of  1860  he  was  at  one  time  pitted  against  Thomas 
A.  Hendricks.  Mr.  Hendricks  sized  up  his  yonthful 
opponent  as  one  unworthy  of  his  oratory,  a  person 
to  be  crushed  with  a  word  and  a  gesture.  It 
did  not  take  him  long  to  find  out  his  mistake.  The 
young  Republican  got  clearly  the  better  of  him.  He 
never  afterwards  questioned  Benjamin  Harrison's  powers 
as  a  debater. 

At  a  time  during  the  Civil  War  when  it  looked  dark  for 
the  Union,  Governor  Morton  urged  Harrison  to  assist  in 
raising  troops,  saying  that,  as  Harrison  had  just  been 
elected  Reporter  of  the  Supreme  Cou'-t.  he  would  find 
some  one  else  to  take  command.  The  President's  reply 
shows  the  splendid  character  of  the  man :  •'  If  I  make 
speeches  aiid  ask  men  to  go,  I  purpose  to  go  with  them." 
"Very  well,"  the  Governor  said;  "if  you  want  to  go, 
you  can  command  the  regiment."  "I  do  not  know  that 
I  want  to  command  the  regiment,"  responded  Mr.  Harri- 
son; "  so,  if  you  can  find  some  suitable  person  of  experi- 
ence in  such  matters,  I  am  not  at  all  anxious  to  take 
command. 


A  Beave  and  Successful  Soldier. 


He  raised  the  regiment,  and,  as  its  Colonel,  went  with 
it  into  camp  at  Bowling  Green,  Ky.  Colonel  Harrison 
was  a  disciplinarian,  yet  he  required  of  his  men  no  hard- 
ship he  was  not  willing  to  share  with  them.  Although, 
at  first,  there  was  some  grumbling  over  the  hard  duties  of 
army  life,  yet  finally  the  regiment  took  as  much  pride 
and  interest  in  the  thorough  drill  to  which  they  were 
subjected  as  the  Colonel  himself.  In  its  moral  as- 
pects he  attempted  to  make  the  camp  a  counterpart  of 
home.  Though  strict.  Colonel  Harrison  was  never  harsh. 
His  men  loved  and  honored  him.  His  sympathy  with  the 
sick  and  dying  was  deep  and  sincere.  He  was  courageous. 
No  danger  made  him  flinch.  His  regiment  shared  his 
courage  and  made  for  itself  a  lasting  fame.  As  a  part  of 
the  Twentieth  Army  Corps  it  fought  in  Sherman's  victori- 
ous campaign  against  General  Joseph  Johnstone. 

During  this  campaign  Colonel  Harrison  frequently  dis- 
tinguished himself  by  his  quick,  courageous  action. 
At  Peach  Tree  Creek,  Georgia,  July  20,  1864,  he 
saved  the  day.  General  Hooker,  in  a  report  recom- 
mending Colonel  Harrison  for  promotion,  said : 
"My  attention  was  first  attracted  to  this  young  oflScer  by 
the  superior  excellence  of  his  brigade  in  discipline  and 
instruction,  the  result  of  his  labor,  skill  and  devotion.  In 
all  the  achievements  of  the  Twentieth  Corps  in  that  cam- 
paign Colonel  Harrison  bore  a  conspicuous  part.  At 
Resacca  and  Peach  Tree  Creek  the  conduct  of  himself  and 
command  was  especially  distinguished." 

He  shared  in  the  Battle  of  Nashville  as  commander  of  a 
temporary  brigade.  In  June,  1865,  he  received  his  dis- 
charge, after  having  been  breveted  Brigadier-General. 

3 


Elected  as  Membek  of  the  Senate. 

Home  again,  he  entered  with  renewed  zest  upon  the 
practice  of  his  profession,  taking,  also,  an  active  part  in 
politics.  He  has  been  engaged  in  many  noted  causes, 
in  one  of  which— the  action  against  the  Order  of  the 
Sons  of  Liberty— the  opposing  counsel  was  his  old  an- 
tagonist, Mr.  Hendricks.  In  1876  President  Harrison  was 
nominated  for  Governor.  He  was  defeated,  but  ran  2,000 
ahead  of  his  ticket.  His  election  to  the  United  States 
Senate,  in  1881,  was  as  much  a  spontaneous  tribute  to  the 
worth  of  the  man  as  an  acknowledgment  of  his  ability. 
He  was  offered,  but  declined,  a  place  in  President  Gar- 
field's Cabinet.  Of  his  career  in  the  Senate  and  his  dis- 
tinguished services  all  know.  His  speeches  on  the  questions 
of  the  times  were  splendid  efforts  of  thought  and  logic, 
and  were  listened  to  with  care  and  attention.  His  views 
oa  every  question  were  clearly  defined. 

His  Career  as  Chief  Magistrate. 

In  1888  Mr.  Harrison  was  elected  President  of  the 
United  States,  having  in  the  Electoral  College  sixty-five 
votes  over  Mr.  Cleveland,  the  Democratic  nominee.  In 
the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  office  President  Harri- 
son has  shown  a  marvelous  capacity  for  work.  He 
does  his  own  writing,  not  liking  dictation  to  sten- 
ographers. The  import  of  the  grave  questions  of 
the  day  he  seems  to  grasp  intuitivel3^  Upon 
the  tariff,  financial  and  other  great  issues,  he  never  speaks 
in  vague  or  doubtful  phrases.  His  messages  to  Congress 
are  penned  with  no  lagging  hand.  In  our  relations  with 
foreign  Governments,  where  the  honor  of  the  nation  has 
been  affected.  President  Harrison  has  been  sternly,  un- 
compromisingly, patriotically  American.  The  dignity  of 
the  United  States  has  been  upheld  on  land  and  sea. 

A  President  Who  Is  President. 

He  has  worked  unceasingly  for  the  furtherance  and 
practical  execution  of  all  the  policies  to  which  the  party 
he  leads  is  committed.  He  has  been  most  emphatically 
its  general.  He  has  been  its  advocate,  too,  and  by 
speech  and  act  has  contributed  mightily  to  new  and  noble 
pages  in  its  glorious  history.  He  has  been  President 
in  veriest  deed.  His  mind  and  hani  have  been  in  sole 
authority  in  all  branches  of  his  A.aministration.  He  lias 
accepted  all  the  responsibilities  the  law  has  placed  upon 
him ;  and  at  the  close  of  his  first  term  he  is  presented  by 
his  party  for  re-election  as  a  President  who  has  made  no 
failures  and  few  mistakes.  The  triumphs  of  his  term  are 
legion,  as  these  pages  will  tell,  and  those  who  differ  from 
him  and  his  party  can  point  to  no  feature  of  his  record 
which  is  not  eloquent  of  reasons  why  he  should  be  con- 
tinued in  the  office  he  has  administered  so  worthily. 


WHITELAW  REID. 


His  Career  as  Editor,  Orator  and 
Statesman. 


A  LIFE  OF  INFLUENCE  AND  BRILLIANT 

SUCCESS. 


Whitelaw  Reid,  the  Republican  nominee  for  Vice-Pres- 
ident, was  born  in  Xenia,  Ohio,  in  October,  1837.  His 
father  was  Robert  Charlton  Reid  and  his  mother  Marian 
Whitelaw  Ronalds,  whose  ancestors  were  of  the  Clan 
Ronald  of  Scotch  histor3\  His  paternal  grandfather,  also 
Scotcli,  emigrated  to  this  country  at  the  close  of  the  last 
century  and  settled  in  Kentucky.  In  1800  he  crossed  over 
into  Ohio  and  bought  land  in  Cincinnati.  One  of  the 
conditions  of  the  sale  was  that  the  purchaser  should  run 
a  ferry  every  day  in  the  week  across  the  Ohio  River.  The 
Scotchman,  a  strict  Covenanter,  rebelled  at  this  obligation 
to  break  the  Sabbath,  and  gave  up  his  bargain.  He  re- 
moved to  Green  County  and  was  one  of  the  earliest  set- 
tlers in  Xenia. 

An  Apt  and  Serious  Student. 

Tlie  early  education  of  Whitelaw  Reid  was  intrusted  to 
an  uncle.  Dr.  Hugh  McMillan,  principal  of  the  Xenia 
Academy,  one  of  the  best  preparatory  schools  in  the 
State. 

The  young  man  Avas  in  capable  hands.  He  was 
taught  so  well  in  Latin  that  when,  at  the  age  of  fifteen, 
he  entered,  as  a  sophomore,  Miami  University,  of  which 
his  uncle  was  a  trustee,  no  pupil  there  was  more  pro- 
ficient in  Latin  than  he. 

'He  was  graduated  in  1856  and  became  principal  of  a 
graded  school  in  South  Charlestown,  Ohio.  With  a  sense 
of  obligation  characteristically  Scottish  he  repaid  his 
father,  out  of  his  first  earnings,  the  expenses  of  his  senior 
year  at  the  University. 

Advocating  Fremont  and  Freedom. 

While  as  a  teacher  he  was  successful,  his  natural  bent 
was  towards  journalism.  He  soon  found  an  opportunity 
to  engage  in  newspaper  work,  and  became  proprL^tor  of 
The  Xenia  News.  Under  his  management  the  r)a  er  was 
both  morally  and  financially  successful.  His"  1  ^st  con- 
siderable political  work  was  done  in  advocating  on  the 
stump  the  election  of  John  C.  Fremont. 

At  this  time  he  became  a  constant  reader  of  77ie  New 
York  Tnbune.  The  News  was  the  first  Western  paper 
outside  of  Illinois  to  advocate  the  election  of  Lincoln. 


Mr.  Reid  went  to  Columbus  to  meet  Lincoln  after  the  lat- 
ter's  great  speech  in  Cooper  Institute,  New  York,  and  in- 
troduced him  at  the  railway  station  to  the  people.  While 
acting  during  tlie  Lincoln  campaign  as  secretary  of  the 
Green  County  Republican  Committee,  and  taking  other 
active  parts  in  politics,  his  health  gave  way,  and  he  trav- 
eled through  the  Northwest. 

He  Goes  to  the  War  as  a  Correspondent. 

The  following  winter  he  spent  in  Columbus  as  the  leg- 
islative correspondent  of  llie  Cincinnnti  I'mes.  He  left 
that  paper  to  take  a  position  with  The  Cleveland  Herald, 
but  soon  afterward  became  correspondent  for  The  Com- 
mercial Gazette,  of  Cincinnati.  His  work  for  that  great 
newspaper  brought  him  into  national  prominence.  He 
was  soon  promoted  to  be  city  editor,  but  at  the  beginning 
of  the  war  was  sent  to  the  front  as  correspondent.  He 
went  with  McClellan  into  West  Virginia.  Gen.  Morris 
had  command  of  the  advance,  and  Mr.  Reid  was  assigned 
to  duty  as  volunteer  aide-de-camp  with  rank  of  captain. 

His  letters,  under  the  signature  of  "Agate,"  furnished 
pen  pictures  of  the  war  as  graphic  and  effective  as  any 
that  were  w^ritten.  He  was  promptly  recognized  as  one 
of  the  most  forceful  writers  of  the  country.  After  resum- 
ing for  a  short  time  his  editorial  work  in  The  Gazette 
office,  he  was  assigned  to  duty  in  the  second  campaign 
which  ended  in  the  battles  of  Carnifex  Ferry  and  Ganley 
Bridge.  In  1861-62  he  went  to  Fort  Donelson.  He  re- 
corded the  Tennessee  campaign,  and  was  the  only  corre- 
spondent who  witnessed  the  fight  at  Pittsburg  Landing. 
No  more  accurate  or  brilliant  account  of  that  terrible 
battle  has  ever  been  written  than  his. 

As  Washington  correspondent  for  The  Gazette,  his 
ability  as  a  writer  and  thinker  caused  Horace  Greeley  to 
speak  of  him  as  a  man  for  whom  the  future  had  much  in 
store. 

Mr.  Greeley  Calls  Him  to  "  The  Tribune." 

Mr.  Reid  went  with  Chief-Justice  Chase  on  a  trip  through 
the  South  in  1866,  which  resulted  in  his  writing  a  book— 
"  After  the  War  ;  A  Southern  Tour,"  He  tried  his  hand 
at  cotton  raising,  but  gained  more  experience  than  money 
in  the  venture.  His  "Ohio  in  the  War"  is  a  careful 
compilation  of  facts  in  regard  to  the  great  part  his  State 
played  in  the  conflict. 

After  finisiiing  this  work  Mr.  Reid  went  back  to  his 
place  as  chief  editorial  writer  for  The  Gate'te.  He  now 
had  a  proprietary  interest  in  the  paper.  Mr,  Greeley  be- 
fore this  time  had  invited  him  to  take  a  place  oh  The 
Tribuve's  staff,  and.  receiving  another  and  more  urgent 
offer,  Mr.  Reid  left  Oliio  and'became  an  editorial  writer 
for  The  Tribune. 

When  John  Russell  Young's  connection  as  managing 
editor  with  the  paper  ceased,  Mr.  Reid  took  that  post,  and, 
after  Mr.  Greeley's  nomination  to  the  Presidency,  he  be- 
came editor-in-chief. 

('nosEN  AS  Mr.  Greeley's  Si'ccessor. 

At  the  close  of  the  campaign  of  1872,  the  control  of  The 
Tribune  was  committetl  to  him.  Many  supposed  the 
paper  to  be  irretrievably  ruined.     But,  easily  obtaining 

6 


tlie  capital  necessary  to  produce  good  results,  JVlr.  Held 
entered  ardently  upon  the  task  of  rebuilding  its  fortunes, 
lie  gathered  about  him  a  staff  of  general  and  magnificent 
talent ;  among  his  assistants  were  Bayard  Taylor.  George 
W.  Smalley,  John  Hay,  William  Winter,  E.  C.  Stedman 
and  George  Ripley.  The  paper  quickly  obtained  more 
than  its  old  popularity  and  influence. 

Mr.  Reid,  tiiougli  often  tempted  to  accept  political 
office,  had  uniformly  declined  until  President  Harrison 
was  elected  and  the  French  Mission  was  tendered  to  him. 
He  had  chosen  to  work  as  a  newspaper  exponent  of  Re- 
publican principles  rather  than  as  an  official.  He  declined 
the  Mission  to  Germany,  though  twice  offered  him-  once 
by  President  Hayes  and  again  by  President  Garfield.  But 
in  1889  he  had  become  more  reconciled  to  the  idea  of 
leaving  his  work  as  a  journalist,  for  a  time  at  least,  and 
accepted  President  Harrison's  offer  of  the  Ministry  at 
Paris.  There  was  needed  at  the  French  capital  an 
American  Minister  whose  strong  personality,  energy  and 
ability  might  render  him  capable  of  carrying  out  the 
plans  of  this  Government  to  secure  needed  changes  in 
French  legislation  concerning  American  commercial  in- 
terests. 

Notable  Diplomatic  Victories. 

Minister  Reid's  w^ork  in  France  proved  him  the  pos- 
sessor of  rare  diplomatic  talents.  He  secured  the  repeal 
of  the  decree  prohibiting  the  importation  of  American 
meats,  and  negotiated  reciprocity  and  extradition  treaties. 
Never  w^ere  the  relations  between  France  and  the  United 
States  more  cordial  and  satisfactory  than  at  the  time 
Minister  Reid,  early  in  the  present  year,  felt  obliged  to 
resign  his  position.  His  work  in  France  brought  him 
many  lionors,  and  this,  together  with  his  eminent  service 
to  the  party  as  an  editor  and  orator,  rendered  him  partic- 
ularly available  to  become  with  General  Harrison  a 
standard-bearer  in  the  National  Campaign  of  1892.  He 
was  unanimously  nominated  for  the  Vice-Presidency  at  the 
request  of  the  solid  delegation  from  New  York.  Mr. 
Reid  married,  in  1881.  Miss  Elizabeth  Mills,  a  daughter  of 
D.  O.  Mills.  Mrs.  Reid's  entertainments  in  Paris  and  her 
unremitting  attentions  to  the  American  colony  and  to 
American  visitors  and  travelers  rendered  her  exceedingly 
popular  among  her  countrymen,  and  greatly  promoted  the 
success  of  Mr.  Reid's  mission. 


"  The  Western  farmer'fe  instinct  is  wiser  than  Mr. 
Gladstone's  philosophy.  The  farmer  knows 
that  the  larger  the  home  market  the 
IbeLter  are  his  prices,  and' that  as  the  home 
market  is  narrowed  his  prices  fall." 

— James  G.  Blaine. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PLATPOEM 


Principles  and  Policies  Represented 
by  Harrison  and  lleid. 


WHAT   THE   REPUBLICAN   PARTY 
COMMENDS. 


Adopted  at   Minneapolis,  June    10,  1892. 


The  representatives  of  the  Republicans  of  the  United 
States,  assembled  in  general  convention  on  the  shores  of  the 
Mississippi  River,  the  everlasting  bond  of  an  indestructible 
republic,  whose  most  glorious  chapter  of  history  is  the 
record  of  the  Republican  party,  congratulate  their  coun- 
trymen on  the  majestic  march  of  the  nation  under  the 
banners  inscribed  with  the  principles  of  our  platform  of 
1888,  vindicated  by  victory  at  the  polls  and  prosperity  in 
our  fields,  workshops  and  mines,  and  make  the  following 
declaration  of  principles  : 

I. 

THE  TARIFF  ANI>  RECIPROCITY. 

We  reaffirm  the  American  doctrine  of  protec- 
tion. AVe  call  attention  to  its  growth  abroad.  We  main- 
tain that  the  prosperous  condition  of  our  country  is  largely 
due  to  the  wise  revenue  legislation  of  the  Republican 
Congress. 

HOW  DUTIES  SHOULl>  BK  LEVIED. 

We  believe  that  all  articles  which  cannot  be  produced 
in  the  United  States,  except  luxuries,  should  be  admitted 
free  of  duty,  and  that  on  all  imports  coming  into 
competition  with  the  products  of  American  labor 
there  should  be  duties  levied  equal  to  the  ditterence 
between  wages  abroad  and  at  home. 


VALUES  GENERALLY  REDUCED. 

We  assert  that  the  prices  of  manufactured  articles  of 
general  consumption  have  been  reduced  under  the  opera- 
tions of  the  Tariff  Act  of  1890.  We  denounce  the  efforts 
of  the  Democratic  majority  of  the  House  to  destroy 
our  tiirift'  laws  by  piecemeal,  as  manifested  by  their 
attacks  on  wool,  lead  and  lead  ore,  and  we  ask  the  people 
for  their  judgment  thereon. 

RECIPROCITY  AND  ITS  WONDERFUL  SUCCESS. 

We  point  to  the  success  of  the  Kepublicaii  policy  of 
Keeiprocity,  under  which  export  trade  has  vastly 
increased,  and  new  and  enlarged  markets  have  been 
opened  for  the  products  of  our  farms  and  workshops. 
We  remind  the  people  of  the  bitter  opposition  of  the 
Democratic  party  to  this  practical  business  meas- 
ure, and  claim  that,  executed  by  a  Republican  adminis- 
tration, our  present  laws  will  eventually  give  us 
control  of  the  trade  of  the  world. 


11. 

SILVER  AN1>  CURRENCY. 

The  American  people,  from  tradition  and  interest, 
favor  bimetallism,  and  the  Republican  party  de- 
mands the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as  standard 
money,  with  such  restrictions  and  under  such  provisions, 
to  be  determined  by  legislation,  as  will  secure  the  main- 
tenance of  the  parity  of  values  of  the  two  metals,  so 
that  the  purchasing  and  debt-paying  power  of  the  dolhir, 
whether  of  silver,  gold  or  paper,  shall  be  at  all  times 
equal. 

EVERY  DOLLAR  MUST  BE  AS  GOOD  AS  ANY. 

The  interests  of  the  producers  of  the  country— its 
farmers  and  its  workingmen — demand  that  every  dol- 
lar, paper  or  coin,  issued  by  the  Government  shall  be 
as  g-ood  as  any  other  dollar.  We  commend  the 
wise  and  patriotic  steps  already  taken  by  our  Government 
to  secure  such  an  international  conference  to 
adopt  such  measures  as  will  insure  a  parity  of  value  be- 
tween gold  and  silver  for  use  as  money  throughout  the 
world. 

III. 

FREE  AND  FAIR  ELECTIONS. 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  allowed    to   cast   one    free    and    unrestricted 

ballot  in  all  public  elections,  and  that  such  ballot  shall 
be  counted  and  returned  as  cast ;  that  such  laws  shall  be 
enacted  and  enforced  as  will  secure  to  every  citizen,  be  he 
rich  or  poor,  native  or  foreign  bom,  white  or  black,  this 
sovereign  right,  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution, — the  free 
and  honest  popnlar  baliot,  the 


JUST    AND    KCJUAL    REPRESENTATION 

of  all  the  people,  as  well  as  the  just  and  equal  protection 
under  the  laws  as  the  foundation  of  our  Republican  insti- 
tutions, and  the  party  will  never  relax  its  efforts  until  the 
integrity  of  the  ballot  aiirt  the  purity  of  elec- 
tions shall  be  fully  guaranteed  and  protected  in  every 
State. 

POLITICAL    OUTRAGES    MUST    STOP. 

We  denounce^  the  continued  inhuman  outrages  perpe- 
trated on  American  citizens  for  political  reasons  in  certain 
States  of  the  Union. 


IV. 

FOREIGN   liELATIONS. 

We  favor  the  extension  of  our  foreign  commerce,  the 
restoration  of  our  mercantile  marine  by  home- 
built  ships,  and  the  construction  of  a  navy  for  the  protec- 
tion of  our  national  interests  and  the  honor  of  our  flag ; 
the  maintenance  of  the  most  friendly  relations  with  foreign 
powers,  entangling  alliances  with  none,  and  the  protection 
of  the  rights  of  our  fishermen. 

THE     IMMIGRATION    EVIL. 

We  reaffirm  our  approval  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and 
believe  in  the  achievement  of  the  manifest  destiny  of 
the  Republic  in  its  broadest  sense.  We  favor  the  en- 
actment of  more  stringent  laws  and  regulations  for  the 
restriction  of  criminal,  pauper  and  contract 
immigration. 

V. 
LAWS  TO  PROTECT  LABOR. 

We  favor  efficient  legislation  by  Congress  to  protect 
the  life  and  liml>s  of  employees  of  the  railroad  com- 
panies engaged  in  carrying  interstate  commerce,  and  rec- 
ommend legislation  by  the  respective  States  tliat  will  pro- 
tect employees  engaged  in  interstate  commerce,  and  in 
mining  and  manufacturing. 

VI. 

SYMPATHY  FOR  IRISH  HOME  RULE. 

The  Republican  party  has  always  been  the  champion  of 
the  oppressed,  and  recognizes  the  dignity  of  manhood 
irrespective  of  faith,  color  or  nationality.  It  sympathizes 
with  the  cause  of  home  rule  in  Ireland,  and  pro- 
tests against  the  persecution  of  the  Jews  in  Russia.  The 
ultimate  reliance  of  free  popular  government  is  the  in- 
telligence of  the  people,  and  the  maintenance  of  freedom 
among  men. 

10 


Vll. 

FREE  SPEECH  ANJ>  RELIGIOUS 
LIBERTY. 

We  declare  anew  our  devotion  to  liberty  of  tlioiiglit 
and  conscience,  of  speech  and  press,  and  approve  all 
agencies  and  instrumentalities  which  contribute  to  the 
education  of  the  children  of  the  land ;  but,  while  insist- 
ing upon  the  fullest  measure  of  religious  liberty,  we  are 
opposed  to  any  union  of  cliurcli  and  state. 

VIIL 

TRUSTS  ANI>  ILLEGAL  COMBINATIONS. 

We  reaffirm  our  opposition,  declared  in  the  Republican 
platform  of  1888,  to  all  combinations  of  capital 

organized  to  control  arbitrarily  the  condition  of  trade 
among  our  citizens.  We  heartily  indorse  the  action  taken 
on  this  issue,  and  ask  for  such  further  legislation  as  may 
be  required  to  remedy  any  defects  in  existing  laws,  and  to 
render  their  enforcement  more  complete  and  effective. 

IX. 

POST  OFFICE  REFORMS. 

We  approve  the  policy  of  extending  to  towns  and  rural 
communhies  the  advantages  of  the  free  delivery  serv- 
ice now  enjoyed  by  the  large  cities  of  the  country,  and 
reaffirm  the  declaration  contained  in  the  Republican  plat- 
form of  1888,  pledging  the  reduction  of  letter  posta{>:e 
to  one  cent  at  the  earliest  possible  moment. 

X. 

CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM. 

We  commend  the  spirit  and  evidence  of  reform  in 
the  civil  service,  and  the  wise  and  consistent  enforce- 
ment by  the  Republican  party  of  the  laws  relating  to  the 
same. 

XI. 
NICARAGUA  CANAL. 

The  construction  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  is  of  the  high- 
est importance  to  the  American  people,  both  as  a  measure 
of  national  defense  and  to  build  up  and  maintain  American 
commerce,  and  it  should  be  controlled  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States. 

XIL 

RIGHTS  OF  TERRITORIES. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  Territories  at 
the  earliest  possible  moment,  having  due  regard 
to  the  interests  of  the  people  of  the  Territories  and  of  the 


United  States.  All  the  Federal  ofliceholdera  appointed  in 
the  Territories  sliould  be  selected  from  the  residents 
thereof,  and  the  right  of  selt-jfoveriiiiient  should 
be  accorded  as  far  as  possible. 

Xlll. 

CESSION  OF  ARID  LANI>S. 

"We  favor  the  cession,  subject  to  the  liomestead  laws,  of 
the  arid  public  lands  to  the  States  and  Territories  in  which 
they  lie,  under  such  Congressional  restrictions  as  to  dis- 
position, reclamation  and  occupancy  by  settlers  as  will 
secure  the  maximum  benefits  to  the  people. 

XIV. 

AID  FOR  THE  WORLD'S  FAIR. 

The  World's  Columbian  Exposition  is  a  great  na- 
tional undertaking,  and  Congress  should  promptly 
enact  such  reasonable  legislation  in  aid  thereof  as  will  in- 
sure a  discharge  of  the  expense  and  obligations  incident 
thereto,  and  the  attainment  of  results  commensurate  with 
the  dignity  and  progress  of  the  nation. 

XV. 

INTEM  PE  R  ANCE. 

We  sympathize  with  all  wise  and  legitimate  efforts  to 
lessen  and  prevent  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  promote 
morality. 

XVI. 

THE  JUST  CLAIMS  OF  OLD  SOLDIERS. 

Ever  mindful  of  the  service  and  sacrifices  of  the  men 
who  saved  the  life  of  the  nation,  we  pledge  anew  to  the 
veteran  soldiers  of  the  Republic  a  watchful  care  and  recog- 
nition of  their  just  claims  upon  a  grateful  people. 

XVII. 

HARRISON'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

We  commend  the  able,  patriotic  and  thoroughly 
American  administration  of  President  Harrison.  Under 
it  the  country  has  enjoyed  remarkable  pros- 
perity, and  the  dignity  and  honor  of  the  nation  at  home 
and  abroad  have  been  faithfully  maintained,  and  we  offer 
the  record  of  pledges  kept  as  a  guarantee  of  faithful  per- 
formance in  the  future. 


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37 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LETTEfi. 

All  the  Issues  Clearly  Discussed. 
PROTECTION  AND  ITS  UNDENIABLE  RESULTS. 


More  and  Larger  Markets. 


AMERICAN  SHIPS  FOR  AMERICAN   FREIGHT. 


The  Democratic  Scheme  for  Wild-Gat  Money  Issues. 


THE  PROFITS  OF  RECIPROCITY. 


■Washington,  September  3,  1892. 

Hon.  William  McKinlet,  Jk.,  and  Others,  Committee, 

Etc.: 

Gentlemen — I  now  avail  myself  of  the  first  period  of  re- 
lief from  public  duties  to  respond  to  the  notification  which 
you  brought  to  me  on  June  30  of  my  nomination  for  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States  by  the  Republican 
National  Convention  recently  held  at  Minneapolis.  I  ac-v 
cept  the  nomination  and  am  grateful  for  the  approval 
expressed  by  the  Convention  of  the  acts  of  the  Adminis- 
tration. I  have  endeavored  without  wavering  or  wear- 
iness, so  far  as  the  direction  of  public  affairs  was  commit- 
ted to  me,  to  carry  out  the  pledges  made  to  the  people  in 
1888.  If  the  policies  of  the  Administration  have  not  been 
distinctively  and  progressively  American  and  Republican 
policies,  the  fault  has  not  been  in  the  purpose  but  in  the 
execution.  I  shall  speak  frankly  of  the  legislation  of  Con- 
gress and  of  the  work  of  the  executive  departments,  for 
the  credit  of  any  successes  that  have  been  attained  is  in 
such  measure  due  to  others,  Senators  and  Representatives, 
and  to  the  efficient  heads  of  the  several  executive  depart- 
ments, that  I  may  do  so  without  impropriety.  A  vote  of 
want  of  confidence  is  asked  by  our  adversaries;  and  this 
challenge  to  a  review  of  what  has  been  done  we  promptly 
and  gladly  accept. 

Sekious  Results  of  a  Change. 

The  great  work  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress  has  been  sub- 
jected to  the  revision  of  a  Democratic  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, and  the  acts  of  the  Executive  Department  to 
its  scrutiny  and  investigation.  A  Democratic  National 
Administration  was  succeeded  by  a  Republican  Adminis- 
tration, and  the  freshness  of  the  events  gives  unusual 
facilities  for  fair  comparison  and  judgment.  There  has 
seldom  been  a  time,  I  think,  when  a  change  from  the  de- 
clared policies  of  the  Republican  to  the  declared  policies 
of  the  Democratic  Party  involved  such  serious  results  to 
the  business  interests  of  the  country.     A  brief  review  of 

38 


what  has  been  done  and  of  what  the  Democratic  Party- 
proposes  to  undo  will  justify  this  opinion. 

Democratic  Menace  of  Bad  Money. 

The  Republican  Party  during  the  Civil  War  devised  a 
national  currency,  consisting  of  United  States  notes, 
issued  and  redeemable  by  the  Grovernment,  and  of  national 
bank  notes,  based  upon  the  security  of  United  States 
bonds.  A  tax  was  levied  upon  the  issues  of  State  banks, 
and  the  intended  result,  that  all  such  issues  should  be 
witlidrawn,  was  realized.  There  are  men  among  us  now 
who  never  saw  a  State  bank  note.  The  notes  furnished 
directly  or  indirectly  by  the  United  States  have  been  the 
only  and  the  safe  and  acceptable  paper  currency  of  the 
people.  Bank  failures  have  brought  no  fright,  delay  or 
loss  to  the  bill-holders.  The  note  of  an  insolvent  bank  is  as 
good  and  as  current  as  a  Treasury  note — for  the  credit  of 
the  United  States  is  behind  it.  Our  money  is  all  national 
money — 1  might  almost  say  international,  for  these  bills  are 
not  only  equally  and  indiscriminately  accepted  at  par  in 
all  the  States,  but  in  some  foreign  countries.  The  Demo- 
cratic party,  if  intrusted  with  the  control  of  the  Govern- 
ment, is  now  pledged  to  repeal  the  tax  on  State  bank 
issues,  with  a  view  to  putting  into  circulation  again, 
under  such  diverse  legislation  as  the  States  may  adopt,  a 
flood  of  local  bank  issues. 

Safe  Cuebengy  Not  to  Be  Abandoned. 

Only  those  who  in  the  years  before  the  War  experienced 
the  inconvenience  and  losses  attendant  upon  the  use  of 
such  money  can  appreciate  what  a  return  to  that  system 
involves.  Tlie  denomination  of  a  bill  was  then  often  no 
indication  of  its  value.  Tlie  bank  detector  of  yesterday 
was  not  a  safe  guide  to-day  as  to  credit  or  values.  Mer- 
chants deposited  several  times  during  the  day  lest  the  hour 
of  bank  closing  should  show  a  depreciation  of  the  money 
taken  in  the  morning.  The  traveler  could  not  use  in  a 
journey  to  the  East  the  issues  of  the  most  solvent  banks  of  the 
West,  and  in  consequence  a  money-changer's  office  was  the 
familiar  neighbor  of  the  ticket  office  and  the  lunch 
counter.  The  farmer  and  the  laborer  found  the  money  re- 
ceived for  their  products  or  their  labor  depreciated  when 
they  came  to  make  their  purchases,  and  the  whole  busi- 
ness of  the  country  was  hindered  and  burdened.  Clianges 
may  become  necessary,  but  a  national  system  of  currency, 
safe  and  acceptable  throughout  the  whole  country,  is  the 
good  fruit  of  bitter  experience,  and  I  am  sure  our  people 
will  not  consent  to  the  reactionary  proposal  made  by  the 
Democratic  Party. 

OuE  Mebohant  Mabine. 

Few  subjects  have  elicited  more  discussion  or  excited 
more  general  interest  than  that  of  a  recovery  by  the 
United  States  of  its  appropriate  share  of  the  ocean-carry- 
ing trade.  This  subject  touches,  not  only  our  pockets, 
but  our  national  pride.  Practically  all  the  freights  for 
transporting  to  Europe  the  enormous  annual  supplies  of 
provisions  furnished  by  this  country,  and  for  the  large  re- 
turn of  manufactured  products,  have  for  many  years  been 
paid  to  foreign  shipowners.  Thousands  of  immigrants 
annually  seeking  homes  under  our  flag  have  been  denied 


the  sight  of  it  until  they  entered  Sandy  Hook,  while  in- 
creasing thousands  of  American  citizens,  bent  on  European 
travel,  have  each  year  stepped  into  a  foreign  jurisdiction 
at  the  New  York  docks.  • 

FoEKiGN  Shipping  Sustained  by  Subsidy. 

The  paerchandise  balance  of  trade  which  the  Treasury 
books  show  is  largely  reduced  by  the  annual  tribute  which 
we  pay  for  freight  and  passage  moneys.  The  great  ships 
— the  fastest  upon  the  sea— which  are  now  in  peace  profit- 
ing by  our  trade,  are  in  secondary  sense  war  ships  of 
their  respective  governments,  and  in  time  of  war  would, 
under  existing  contracts  with  those  governments,  speed- 
ily take  on  the  guns  for  which  their  decks  are  already 
prepared,  and  enter  with  terrible  efficiency  upon  the  work 
of  destroying  our  commerce.  The  undisputed  fact  is  that 
the  great  steamship  lines  of  Europe  were  built  up,  and 
are  now  in  part  sustained,  by  direct  or  indirect  govern- 
ment aid,  the  latter  taking  the  form  of  liberal  pay  for  car- 
rying the  mails,  or  of  an  annual  bonus  given  in  considera- 
tion of  agreements  to  construct  the  ships  so  as  to  adapt 
them  for  carrying  an  armament,  and  to  turn  them  over  to 
the  Government  on  demand,  upon  specified  terms. 

Great  American  Vessels  Building. 

It  was  plain  to  every  intelligent  American  that,  if  the 
United  States  would  have  such  lines,  a  similar  policy 
must  be  entered  upon.  The  Fifty-first  Congress  enacted 
such  a  law,  and  under  its  beneficent  influence  sixteen 
American  steamships,  of  an  aggregate  tonnage  of  57,400 
tons  and  costing  $7,400,000,  have  been  built  or  contracted 
to  be  built  in  American  shipyards.  In  addition  to  this,  it  is 
now  practically  certain  that  we  shall  soon  have,  under  the 
American  flag,  one  of_tlie  finest  steamship  lines  sailing 
out  of  New  York  for  any  European  port.  This  contract 
will  result  in  the  construction  in  American  yards  of  four 
new  passenger  steamships  of  10,000  tons  each,  costing 
about  $8,000,000,  and  will  add  to  our  naval  reserve  six 
steamships,  the  fastest  upon  the  sea. 

Democrats  Hostile  to  Shipping. 

A  special  interest  has  been  taken  by  me  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  lines  from  our  South  Atlantic  and  Gulf  ports  ; 
and,  though  my  expectations  have  not  yet  been  realized, 
attention  has  been  called  to  the  advantages  possessed  by 
these  reports ;  and,  when  their  people  are  more  fully  alive 
to  their  interests,  I  do  not  doubt  that  they  will  be  able  to 
secure  the  capital  needed  to  enable  them  to  profit  by  their 
great  natural  advantages.  The  Democratic  party  has 
found  no  place  in  its  platform  for  any  reference  to  this 
subject,  and  has  shown  its  hostility  to  the  general  policy 
by  refusing  to  expend  an  appropriation  made  during  the 
last  Administration  for  ocean  mail  contracts  with  Ameri- 
can lines.  The  patriotic  people,  the  workmen  in  our 
shops,  the  capitalists  seeking  new  enterprises,  must  de- 
cide whether  the  great  ships  owned  by  Americans,  which 
have  sought  American  registry,  shall  again  humbly  ask  a 
Dlace  in  the  English  Naval  Reserve ;  the  great  ships  now 


On  the  designers'  tables  go  to  foreign  shops  for  consti*ue- 
tion,  and  the  United  States  loses  the  now-brightening  op- 
portunity of  recovering  a  place  commensurate  with  its 
wealth,  the  skill  of  its  constructors  and  the  courage  of  its 
sailors,  in  the  carrying  trade  of  all  the  seas. 

Recipeooity. 

Another  related  measure,  as  furnishing  an  increased 
ocean  traffic  for  our  ships,  and  of  great  and  permanent 
benefit  to  the  farmers  and  manufacturers  as  well,  is  the 
reciprocity  policy  declared  by  Section  3  of  the  Tariff  act 
of  1890,  and  now  in  practical  operation  with  five  of  the 
nations  of  Central  and  South  America,  San  Domingo,  the 
Spanish  and  British  West  India  islands,  and  with  Ger- 
many and  Austria,  under  special  trade  arrangements  with 
each.  The  removal  of  the  duty  on  sugar  and  the  con- 
tinuance of  coffee  and  tea  upon  the  free  list,  while  giving 
great  relief  to  our  own  people  by  cheapening  articles  used 
increasingly  in  every  household,  was  also  of  such  enor- 
mous advantage  to  the  countries  exporting  these  articles 
as  to  suggest  that  in  consideration  thereof,  reciprocal 
lavors  should  be  shown  in  their  tariffs  to  articles  exported 
by  us  to  their  markets. 

Me.  Blaine's  Geeat  Woek. 

Great  credit  is  due  to  Mr.  Blaine  for  the  vigor  with 
which  he  pressed  this  view  upon  the  country.  We  have 
only  begun  to  realize  the  benefit  of  these  trade  arrange- 
ments. The  work  of  creating  new  agencies  and  of  adapt- 
ing our  goods  to  new  markets  has  necessarily  taken  time  ; 
but  the  results  already  attained  are  such,  I  am  sure,  as  to 
establish  in  popular  favor  the  policy  of  reciprocal  trade, 
based  upon  the  free  importation  of  such  articles  as  do  not 
injuriously  compete  with  the  products  of  our  own  farms, 
mines  or  factories,  in  exchange  for  the  free  or  favored 
introduction  of  our  products  into  other  countries.  The 
obvious  efficacy  of  this  policy  in  increasing  the  foreign 
trade  of  the  United  States  at  once  attracted  the  alarmed 
attention  of  European  trade  journals  and  boards  of  trade. 
The  British  Board  of  Trade  has  presented  to  that  Govern- 
ment a  memorial  asking  for  the  appointment  of  a  com- 
mission to  consider  the  best  means  of  counteracting  what 
is  called  "  the  commercial  crusade  of  the  United  States." 

How  FoEEiGN  Nations  Take  It. 

At  a  meeting  held  in  March  last  of  the  Associated 
Chambers  of  Commerce  of  Great  Britain,  the  president  re- 
ported that  the  exports  from  Great  Britain  to  the  Latin 
American  countries  during  the  last  year  had  decreased 
$23,750,000,  and  that  this  was  not  due  to  temporary 
causes,  but  directly  to  the  reciprocity  policy  of  the  United 
States.  Germany  and  France  have  also  shown  their  startled 
appreciation  of  the  fact  that  a  new  and  vigorous  contest- 
ant has  appeared  in  the  battle  of  the  markets,  and  has 
already  secured  important  advantages.  The  most  con- 
vincing evidence  of  the  tremendous  commercial  strength 
of  our  position  is  found  in  the  fact  that  Great  Britain  and 
Spain  have  found  it  necessary  to  make  reciprocal  trade 

41 


agreements  with  us  for  their  West  India  colonies,  and 
that  Germany  and  Austria  have  given  us  important  con- 
cessions in  exchange  for  the  continued  free  importation  of 
their  best  sugar. 

How  THE  New  Policy  Results. 

A  few  details  only  as  to  the  increase  of  our  trade  can 
be  given  here.  Taking  all  the  countries  with  which  ar- 
rangements have  been  made,  our  trade  to  June  30,  1892, 
had  increased  23.78  per  cent.;  with  Brazil  the  increase 
was  nearly  11  per  cent.  ;  with  Cuba,  during  the  first  ten 
months,  our  exports  increased  $5,702,193.  or  54.86,  and 
with  Porto  Rico.  $590,5^9,  or  34  per  cent.  -The  liberal 
participation  of  our  farmers  in  the  benefits  of  this  policy 
is  shown  by  the  following  report  from  our  Consul-General 
at  Havana  under  date  of  July  26  last : 

"  During  the  first  half  year  of  1891  Havana  received 
140,056  bags  of  flour  from  Spain,  and  other  ports  of  the 
island  about  an  equal  amount,  or  approximately  280,112 
bags.  During  the  same  period  Havana  received  13,976 
bags  of  American  flour,  and  other  ports  approximately  an 
equal  amount,  making  about  28,000  bags. 

"  But  for  the  first  half  of  this  year  Spain  has  sent  less 
than  1,000  bags  to  the  whole  island,  and  the  United  States 
has  sent  to  Havana  alone  168.487  bags,  and  about  an 
equal  amount  to  other  ports  of  the  island,  making  ap- 
proximately 337,000  for  the  first  half  of  1892." 

Increased  Shipments  of  Pokk. 

Partly  by  reason  of  the  reciprocal  trade  agreement,  but 
more  largely  by  reason  of  the  removal  of  tlie  sanitary  re- 
strictions upon  American  pork,  our  export  of  pork  pro- 
ducts to  Germany  increased  during  the  ten  months  ending 
June  30  last  ^2,025,074,  or  about  32  per  cent. 

They  Dread  American  Competition. 

"The  British  Trade  Joiirnal,"  of  London,  in  a  recent 
issue,  speaking  of  tiie  increase  of  American  coal  exports 
and  of  the  falling  off  of  the  English  coal  exports  to  Cuba, 
says: 

"  It  is  another  case  of  American  competition.  The 
United  States  now  supplies  Cuba  with  about  150,000  tons 
of  coal  annually,  and  tliere  is  every  prospect  of  this  trade 
increasing  as  the  forests  of  the  island  become  exhausted 
and  the  use  of  steam  machinery  on  tlie  sugar  estates  is 
developed.  Alabama  coal  especially  is  securing  a  reputa- 
tion in  the  Spanish  West  Indies,  and  the  river  and  rail 
improvements  of  the  Southern  States  will  undoubtedly 
create  an  important  Gulf  trade.  The  new  reciprocity 
policy  by  which  the  United  States  is  enabled  to  import 
Cuban  sugar  will,  of  course,  assist  the  American  coal  ex- 
porters even  more  effectively  than  the  new  lines  of  rail- 
way." 

Shall  Sugar  Be  Taxed  Again. 

The  Democratic  platform  promises  a  repeal  of  the  Tariff 
law  containing  this  provision,  and  especially  denounces 
as  a  sham  reciprocity  that  section  of  the  law  under  which 


these  trade  arrangements  have  been  made.  If  no  other 
issue  were  involved  in  the  campaign,  this  alone  would 
give  it  moineutous  importance.  Are  the  farmers  of  the 
great  grain-growing  States  willing  to  surrender  these  new, 
large  and  increasing  markets  for  their  surplus  ?  Are  we 
to  have  nothing  in  exchange  for  the  free  importation  of 
sugar  and  coffee,  and  at  the  same  time  to  destroy  the 
sugar-planters  of  the  South  and  the  beet-sugar  industry  of 
the  Northwest  and  of  tlie  Pacific  Coast  ?  Or  are  we  to 
have  the  taxed  sugar  and  coffee,  which  a  "  tariff  for  rev- 
enue only  "  necessarily  involves,  with  the  added  loss  of 
the  new  markets  which  have  been  opened  ? 

What  They  See  We  Can  See  Too. 

As  I  have  shown,  our  commercial  rivals  in  Europe  do 
not  regard  this  Reciprocity  policy  as  a  "  sham,"  but  as  a 
serious  threat  to  a  trade  supremacy  they  have  long 
enjoyed.  Tiiey  would  rejoice,  and,  if  prudence  did  not 
restrain,  would  illuminate  their  depressed  manufacturing 
cities,  over  the  news  that  the  United  States  had  abandoned 
its  system  of  Protection  and  Reciprocity.  They  see  very 
clearly  that  restriction  of  American  products  and  trade, 
and  a  corresponding  increase  of  European  production  and 
trade,  would  follow,  and  I  will  not  believe  that  what  is  so 
plain  to  them  can  be  hidden  from  our  own  people. 

A  Daring  Democratic  Leadership. 


The  declaration  of  the  platform  in  favor  of  "the  Amer- 
ican doctrine  of  Protection  "  meets  my  most  hearty  ap- 
proval. The  Convention  did  not  adopt  a  schedule,  but  a 
principle  that  is  to  control  all  tarilf  schedules.  There 
may  be  differences  of  opinion  among  Protectionists  as  to 
the'  rate  upon  particular  articles  necessary  to  effect  an 
equalization  between  wages  abroad  and  at  home.  In 
some  not  remote  National  campaigns  the  issue  has  been — 
or,  more  correctly,  has  been  made  to  appear  to  be — be- 
tween a  high  and  a  low  protective  tariff,  both  parties 
expressing  some  solicitous  regard  for  the  wages  of  our 
working  people  and  for  the  prosperity  of  our  domestic 
industries.  But,  under  a  more  courageous  leadership,  the 
Democratic  party  has  now  practically  declared  that,  if 
given  power,  it  will  enact  a  tariff'  law  without  any  regard 
to  its  effect  upon  wages  or  upon  the  capital  invested  in 
our  great  industries. 

The  Rejected  Democratic  Plank. 

The  majority  report  of  the  Committee  on  Platform  to 
the  Democratic  National  Convention  at  Chicago  contained 
this  clause:  "That  when  Custom  House  taxation  is 
levied  upon  articles  of  any  kind  produced  in  this  country, 
the  difference  between  the  cost  of  labor  here  and  labor 
abroad,  when  such  a  difference  exists,  fully  measures  any 
possible  benefits  to  labor,  and  the  enormous  additional 
impositions  of  the  existing  tarilf  fall  with  crushing  force 
upon  our  farmers  and  workingmen." 


An 


A  Clear  Admission. 

Here  we  have  a  distinct  admission  of«  the  Repub- 
lican contention  that  American  workmen  are  advantaged 
by  a  tariff  rate  equal  to  the  difference  between  home  and 
foreign  wages,  and  a  declaration  only  against  the  alleged 
'*  additional  impositions  "  of  the  existing  tariff  law. 

Another  Admission. 

Again,  this  majority  report  further  declared  :  "But  in 
making  a  reduction  in  taxes,  it  is  not  proposed  to  injure 
any  domestic  industries,  but  rather  to  promote  their 
healthy  growth.  Moreover,  many  industries  have  come 
to  rely  upon  legislation  for  successful  continuance,  so 
that  any  change  of  law  must  be  at  every  step  regardful  of 
the  labor  and  the  capital  thus  involved." 


The  Tariff  Does  Protect. 

Here  we  have  an  admission  that  many  of  our  industries 
depend  upon  protective  duties  "for  their  successful  con- 
tinuance," and  a  declaration  that  tariff  changes  should  be 
regardful  of  the  workmen  in  such  industries  and  of  the 
invested  capital. 

Former  Admissions  Now  Denied. 

The  overwhelming  rejection  of  these  propositions, 
which  had  before  received  the  sanction  of  Democratic 
National  Conventions,  was  not  more  indicative  of  the  new 
and  more  courageous  leadership  to  which  the  party  has 
now  committed  itself  than  the  substitute  which  was 
adopted.  This  substitute  declares  that  Protective  du- 
ties are  unconstitutional — high  Protection,  low  Protec- 
tion, all  unconstitutional.  A  Democratic  Congress  hold- 
ing this  view  cannot  enact,  nor  a  Democratic  President 
approve,  any  tariff  schedule,  the  purpose  or  effect  of  which 
is  to  limit  importations  or  to  give  any  advantage  to  an 
American  workman  or  producer.  A  bounty  might,  I 
judge,  be  given  to  the  importer  under  this  view  of  the 
Constitution,  in  order  to  increase  importations,  and  so  the 
revenue  for  "revenue  only"  is  the  limitation.  Reci- 
procity, of  course,  falls  under  this  denunciation,  for  its  ob- 
ject and  effect  are  not  revenue,  but  the  promotion  of  com- 
mercial exchanges,  the  profits  of  which  go  wholly  to  oui 
producers. 

A  Mad  Crusade  Against  Industry. 

This  destructive,  un-American  doctrine  was  not  held 
or  taught  by  the  historic  Democratic' statesmen  whose 
fame  as  American  patrots  has  reached  this  generation — 
certainly  not  by  Jefferson  or  Jackson.  This  mad  crusade 
against  American  shops,  the  bitter  epithets  applied  to 
American  manufacturers,  the  persistent  disbelief  of  every 
rei)ort  of  Uw  opening  of  a  tin-plate  mill  or  of  an  increase 
of  our  foreign  trade  by  Reciprocity,  are  as  surprising  as 
they  are  discreditable. 

d4 


What  the  Demooeatic  Plan  Would  Do. 

There  is  not  a  thoughtful  business  man  in  the  country 
who  does  not  know  that  the  enactment  into  Jaw  of  tlie 
declaration  of  the  Chicago  Convention  on  the  subject  of 
the  Tariff  would  at  once  plunge  the  country  into  a 
business  convulsion  such  as  it  has  never  seen ;  and  there 
is  not  a  thoughtful  workingman  who  does  not  know  that 
it  would  at  once  enormously  reduce  the  amount  of  work 
to  be  done  in  this  country  by  the  increase  of  importations 
that  would  follow,  and  necessitate  a  reduction  of  his 
wages  to  the  European  standard. 

Either  Dangerous  or  Insincere. 

If  any  one  suggests  that  this  radical  policy  will  nof;  be 
executed  if  the  Democratic  party  attains  power,  what 
shall  be  thought  of  a  party  that  is  capable  of  thus  trifling 
with  great  interests?  The  threat  of  such  legislation 
would  be  only  less  hurtful  than  the  fact.  A  distinguished 
Democrat  rightly  described  this  movement  as  a  challenge 
to  the  protected  industries  to  a  fight  of  extermination, 
and  another  such  rightly  expressed  the  logic  of  the 
situation  when  he  interpreted  the  Chicago  platform  to  be 
an  invitation  to  all  Democrats  holding  even  the  most 
moderate  protection  views,  to  go  into  the  Republican 
party. 

Unoontradioted  Facts. 

And  now  a  few  words  in  regard  to  the  existing  Tariff 
Law.  We  are  fortunately  able  to  judge  of  its  influence 
upon  production  and  prices  by  the  market  reports.  The 
day  of  the  prophet  of  calamity  has  been  suceeded  by  that 
of  the  trade  reporter.  An  examination  into  the  effect  of 
the  law  upon  the  prices  of  protected  products  and  of  the 
cost  of  such  articles  as  enter  into  the  living  of  people  of 
small  means  has  been  made  by  a  Senate  Committee,  com- 
posed of  leading  Senators  of  both  parties,  with  the  aid  of 
the  best  statisticians,  and  the  report,  signed  by  all  the 
members  of  the  committee,  has  been  given  to  the  public. 
No  such  wide  and  careful  inquiry  has  ever  before  been 
made.     These  facts  appear  from  the  report : 

First.  The  cost  of  articles  entering  into  the  use  of 
those  earning  less  than  $1,000  per  annum  has  decreased 
up  to  May,  1892,  3.4  per  cent.,  wliile  in  farm  products 
there  has  been  an  increase  in  prices,  owing  in  part  to  an 
increased  foreign  demand  and  the  opening  of  new  markets. 
In  England  during  the  same  period  the  cost  of  living  in- 
creased 1.9  per  cent.  Tested  by  their  power  to  purchase 
articles  of  necessity,  the  earnings  of  our  working  people 
have  never  been  as  great  as  they  are  now. 

Second.  There  has  been  an  average  advance  in  the  rate 
of  wages  of  .75  of  1  per  cent. 

Third.  There  has  been  an  advance  in  the  price  of  all 
farm  products  of  18.67  per  cent,  and  of  all  cereals  33.59 
per  cent. 

Commissioner  Peck's  Statistics. 

The  ninth  annual  report  of  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of 
Labor  Statistics  of  the  State  of  New  York,  a  Democratic 
otiicer,  very  recently  issued,  strongly  corroborates  as  to 

45 


that  State  the  facts  found  by  the  Senate  Committee.  His 
extended  inquiry  shows  that  in  the  year  immediately  fol- 
lowing the  passage  of  the  Tariff  Act  of  1890  the  aggregate 
sum  paid  in  wages  in  that  State  was  $6,377,925  in  excess, 
and  the  aggregate  production  $31,315,130  in  excess  of  the 
preceding  year. 

In  view  of  this  showing  of  an  increase  in  wages,  of  a 
reduction  in  the  cost  of  articles  of  co;r!hon  necessity,  and 
of  a  marked  advance  in  the  prices  of  agricultural  pro- 
ducts, it  is  plain  that  this  Tariff  law  has  not  imposed  bur- 
dens, but  has  conferred  benelits  upon  the  farmer  and  the 
workingman. 

The  Republican  Tin  Plate  Yiotory. 

Some  special  effects  of  the  act  should  be  noticed.  It 
was  a  courageous  attempt  to  rid  our  people  of  a  long- 
maintained  foreign  monopoly  in  the  production  of  tin- 
plate,  pearl  buttons,  silk  plush,  linens,  lace,  etc.  Once  or 
twice  in  our  history  the  production  of  tin-plate  had  been 
attempted,  and  the  prices  obtained  by  the  Welsh  makers 
would  have  enabled  our  makers  to  produce  it  at  a  profit. 
But  the  Welsh  makers  at  once  cut  prices  to  a  point  that 
drove  the  American  beginners  out  of  the  business,  and, 
when  this  was  accomplished,  again  made  their  own  prices. 
A  correspondent  of  the  "Industrial  World,"  the  official 
organ  of  the  Welsh  tin-plate  workers,  published  at  Sw\^n- 
sea,  in  the  issue  of  June  10,  1892,  advises  a  new  trial  of 
these  methods.     He  sa3''s  : 

**Do  not  be  deceived.  The  victory  of  the  Republicans 
at  the  polls  means  the  retention  of  the  McKinley  bill,  and 
means  the  rapidly  accruing  loss  of  the  80  per  cent,  of  the 
export  American  trade.  Had  there  been  no  Democratic 
victory  in  1890,  the  spread  of  the  tin-plate  manufacture  in 
the  United  States  would  have  been  both  rapid  and  bona 
fide.  It  is  not  yet  too  late  to  do  something  to  reduce  the 
price  of  plates.  Put  them  down  to  lis.  per  box  of  100, 
14  by  20,  full  weight  basis.  Let  the  workmen  take  half- 
pay  for  a  few  months  and  turn  out  more.  Then  let  the 
masters  forego  profits  for  the  same  time." 

And  again  that  paper  says  :  "  It  is  clearly  the  interest  of 
botli  (employer  and  workmen)  to  produce  tin  plates,  tariff 
or  no  tariff,  at  a  price  that  will  drive  all  competitors  from 
the  field." 

But,  in  spite  of  the  doubts  raised  by  the  elections  of 
1890,  and  of  the  machinations  of  foreign  producers  to 
maintain  their  monopoly,  the  tin-plate  industry  has  been 
established  in  the  United  States,  and  the  alliance  between 
the  Welsh  producers  and  the  Democratic  party  for  its  de- 
struction will  not  succeed. 

Ameeioan  Tin  Plate  Peoduction. 

The  official  returns  to  the  Treasury  Department  of  the 
production  of  tin  and  terne  plates  in  the  United  States 
during  the  last  fiscal  year  show  a  total  production  of 
13.240,830  pounds,  and  a  comparison  of  the  first  quarter, 
826,922  pounds,  with  the  last,  8,000,000  pounds,  shows  the 
rapid  development  of  tiie  industry.  Over  5,000,000  pounds 
during  the  last  quarter  were  made  from  American  black 
plates,  the  remainder  from  foreign  plates.    Mr.  Ayer,  the 

46 


Treasury  ai^eiit  in  charge,  estimates,  as  the  result  of  care- 
ful inquiry,  that  the  production  of  the  current  year  will  be 
100,000,000  pounds,  and  that  by  the  end  of  the  year  our 
production  will  be  at  the  rate  of  200,000,000  pounds  per 
annum. 

Industries  Eveetwhere  Flourishing. 

Another  industry  that  has  been  practically  created  by 
the  McKinley  bill  is  the  making  of  pearl  buttons.  Few 
articles  coming  to  us  from  abroad  were  so  distinctly  the 
product  of  starvation  wages. 

But,  without  unduljt  extending  this  letter,  I  cannot  fol- 
low in  detail  the  influences  of  the  Tariff  law  of  1890.  It 
has  transplanted  several  important  industries,  and  estab- 
lish them  here,  and  has  revived  or  enlarged  all  others. 
The  act  gives  to  the  miners  protection  against  foreign 
silver  bearing  lead  ores,  the  free  introduction  of  which 
threatened  the  great  mining  industries  of  the  Rocky 
Mountain  States  ;  and  to  the  wool  growers  protection  for 
their  fleeces  and  flocks,  which  have  saved  them  from  a 
further  and  disastrous  decline.  The  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, at  its  last  session,  passed  bills  placing  these 
ores  and  wool  upon  the  free  list.  The  people  of  the 
West  will  know  how  destructive  to  their  prosperity  these 
measures  would  be.  This  Tariff  law  has  given  employ- 
ment to  many  thousands  of  American  men  and  women, 
and  will  each  year  give  employment  to  increasing  thou- 
sands. Its  repeal  would  throw  thousands  out  of  employ- 
ment and  give  work  to  others  only  at  reduced  wages.   _ 

Strange  Appeals  to  Labor. 

The  appeals  of  the  Free  Trader  to  the  workingman  are 
largely  addressed  to  his  prejudices  or  to  his  passions,  and 
not  infrequently  are  pronouncedly  communistic.  The 
new  Democratic  leadership  rages  at  the  employer,  and  seeks 
to  communicate  his  rage  to  the  employee.  I  greatly 
regret  that  all  employers  of  labor  are  not  just  and  consid- 
erate, and  that  capital  sometimes  takes  too  large  a  share 
of  the  profits.  But  I  do  not  see  that  these  evils  will  be 
ameliorated  by  a  tariff  policy,  the  fi.rst  necessary  effect  of 
which  is  a  severe  wage  cut,  and  the  second  a  large  diminu- 
tion of  the  aggregate  amount  of  work  to  be  done  in  this 
country.  'If  the  injustice  of  his  employer  tempts  the 
workman  to  strike  back,  he  should  be  'very  sure  that  his 
blow  does  not  fall  upon  his  own  head  or  upon  his  wife 
and  children. 

Protection  the  Onlt  Barrier. 

The  workmen  in  our  great  industries  are  as  a  body  re- 
markably intelligent,  and  are  lovers  of  home  and  country. 
They  may  be  roused  by  injustice,  or  what  seems  to  them 
to  be  such,  or  be  led  for  the  moment  by  others  into  acts 
of  passion ;  but  they  will  settle  the  tariff*  contest  in  the 
calm  light  of  their  November  firesides,  and  with  sole 
reference  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country  of  which  they 
are  citizens  and  of  the  homes  they  have  founded  for  their 
wives  and  children.  No  intelligent  advocate  of  a  protec- 
tive tariff  claims  that  it  is  able  of  itself  to  maintain  a  uni- 

47 


lorm  rate  of  waives  without  regard  to  fluctuations  in  the 
supply  of  and  demand  for  the  products  of  labor.  But  it 
is  confidently  claimed  that  protective  'duties  strongly 
tend  to  hold  up  wages,  and  are  the  only  barrier  against  a 
reduction  to  the  European  scale. 

Pkotection  foe  tue  South. 

■  The  Southern  States  have  had  a  liberal  participation  in 
the  benefits  of  the  Tariff  law,  and,  though  their  represen- 
tatives have  generally  opposed  the  Protection  policy,  I 
rejoice  that  their  sugar,  rice,  coal,  ores,  iron,  fruits,  cotton 
cloths  and  other  products  have  not  been  left  to  the  fate 
which  the  votes  of  their  representatives  would  have 
brought  upon  them.  In  the  construction  of  the  Nicaragua 
Canal,  in  the  new  trade  with  South  and  Central  America, 
in  the  establishment  of  American  steamship  lines,  these 
States  have  also  special  interests,  and  all  these  interests 
will  not  always  consent  to  be  without  representation  at 
Washington. 

Taxation  Largely  Reduced. 

Shrewdly,  1but  not  quite  fairly,  our  adversaries  speak 
only  of  the  increased  duties  imposed  upon  tin,  pearl  but- 
tons and  other  articles,  by  the  McKinley  bill,  and  omit  al- 
together any  reference  to  the  great  and  beneficial  enlarge- 
ment of  the  free  list.  During  the  last  fiscal  year  $458,- 
000,772  worth  of  merchandise,  or  55.35  per  cent,  of  our 
total  importations,  came  in  free  (the  largest  percentage  m 
our  history),  while  in  1889  the  per  cent,  of  free  importa- 
tions was  only  34.43  per  cent.  The  placing  of  sugar  upon 
the  free  list  has  saved  to  the  consumer  in  duties  in  fifteen 
months,  after  paying  the  bounties  provided  for,  $87,000,- 
000.  This  relief  has  been  substantially  felt  in  every  house- 
hold upon  every  Saturday's  purchase  of  the  workiugman. 

We  Save  Ouk  Own  Market  and  Gain  Many  Others. 

One  of  the  favorite  arguments  against  a  Protective  tariff 
is  that  it  shuts  us  out  from  a  participation  in  what  is 
called,  with  swelling  emphasis,  "  the  markets  of  the 
world."  If  this  view  is  not  a  false  one,  how  does  it  hap- 
pen that  our  commercial  competitors  are  not  able  to  bear 
witli  more  serenity  our  supposed  surrender  to  them  of  the 
"  markets  of  the  world,"  and  how  does  it  happen  that  the 
partial  loss  of  our  market  closes  foreign  tin-plate  mills  and 
plusii  factories  that  still  have  all  other  markets?  Our 
natural  advantages,  our  Protective  tariff  and  the  Reciproc- 
ity policy  make  it  possible  for  us  to  have  a  large  partici- 
pation in  the  "markets  of  the  world,"  without  opening 
our  own  to  a  competition  that  would  destroy  the  comfort 
and  independence  of  our  people. 

Coinage  and  Currency. 

The  resolution  of  the  Convention  in  favor  of  bimetallism 
declares,  I  think,  the  true  and  necessary  conditions  of  a 
movement  that  has,  upon  these  lines,  my  cordial  adher- 
ence and  support.  I  am  thoroughly  convinced  that  the 
free  coinage  of  silver  at  such  a  ratio  to  gold  as  will  main- 

48 


tain  the  equality  in  their  commercial  uses  of  the  two 
coined  dollars  would  conduce  to  the  prosperity  of  all  the 
great  producing  and  commercial  nations  of  the  world. 
The  one  essential  condition  is  that  these  dollars  sliall  liave 
and  retain  an  equal  acceptability  and  value  in  all  commer- 
cial transactions.  They  are  not  only  a  medium  of  ex- 
change, but  a  measure  of  value,  and,  when  two  unequal 
measures  are  called  in  law  by  the  same  name,  commerce 
is  unsettled  and  confused,  and  the  unwary  and  ignorant 
are  cheated.  Dollars  of  unequal  commercial  value  will 
not  circulate  together.  The  better  dollar  is  withdrawn 
'and  becomes  merchandise. 

The  true  interest  of  all  our  people,  and  especially  of  the 
farmers  and  working  people,  who  cannot  closely  observe 
the  money  market,  is  that  every  dollar,  paper  or  coin,  is- 
sued or  authorized  by  the  Government  shall  at  all  times 
and  in  all  its  uses  be  the  exact  equivalent,  not  only  in  debt- 
paying,  but  in  purchasing  power  of  any  other  dollar.  I 
am  quite  sure  that  if  we  should  now  act  upon  this  subject 
independently  of  other  nations  we  would  greatly  promote 
their  interests  and  injure  our  own. 

The  International  Conference. 

The  monetary  conditions  in  Europe  within  the  last  two 
years  have,  I  think,  tended  very  much  to  develop  a  settle- 
ment in  favor  of  a  larger  use  of  silver,  and  I  was  much 
pleased  and  encouraged  by  the  cordiality,  promptness 
and  unanimity  w^ith  which  the  invitation  of  this  Govern- 
ment for  an  international  conference  upon  this  subject 
was  accepted  by  all  the  Powers.  We  may  not  only  hope 
for,  but  expect,  highly  beneficial  results  from  this  confer- 
ence, which  will  now  soon  assemble.  When  the  result  of 
the  conference  is  known,  we  shall  then  be  able,  intelli- 
gently, to  readjust  our  financial  legislation  to  any  new 
conditions. 

One  Man  One  Vote. 

In  my  last  annual  message  to  Congress  I  said;  "I 
must  yet  entertain  the  hope  that  it  is  possible  to  secure  a 
calm,  patriotic  consideration  of  such  constitutional  or 
statutory  changes  as  may  be  necessary  to  secure  the 
choice  of  the  officers  of  the  Government  to  the  people  by 
fair  apportionments  and  free  elections.  I  believe  it  would 
be  possible  to  constitute  a  commission,  non-partisan  in  its 
membership,  and  composed  of  patriotic,  wise  and  impar- 
tial men,  to  whom  a  consideration  of  the. questions  of  the 
evils  connected  with  our  elections  systems  and  methods 
might  be  committed  with  a  good  prospect  of  securing 
unanimity  in  some  plan  for  removing  or  mitigating  those 
evils. 

An  Electoral  Commission. 

The  Constitution  would  permit  the  selection  of  the 
Commission  to  be  vested  in  the  Supreme  Court  if  that 
method  would  give  the  best' guarantee  of  impartiality. 
This  Commission  should  be  charged  with  the  duty  of  in- 
quiring into  the  whole  subject  of  the  law  of  elections  as 
related  to  the  choice  of  officers  of  the  National  Govern- 

49 


ment,  with  a  view  to  securing  to  every  elector  a  free  and 
unmolested  exercise  of  tlie  sutfrage,  and  as  near  an  ap- 
proach to  an  equality  of  value  in  each  ballot  cast  as  is  at- 
tainable. *  *  *  The  demand  that  the  limitations  of 
suffrage  shall  be  found  in  tlie  law,  and  only  there,  is  a 
just  demand,  and  no  just  man  should  resent  or  resist  it. 

The  Cry  feom  the  South. 

It  seemed  to  me  that  an  appeal  to  our  people  to  con- 
sider the  question  of  readjusting  our  legislation  upon 
absolutely  fair,  non  partisan  lines  might  find  some  effective 
response.  Many  times  I  have  had  occasion  to  say  tliat 
laws  and  election  methods  designed  to  give  unfair  advan- 
tages to  the  party  making  them  would  some  time  be  used 
to  perpetuate  in  power  a  faction  or  a  party  against  the 
will  of  the  majority  of  the  people.  Of  this  we  seem  to 
have  an  illustration  in  the  recent  State  election  in  Ala- 
bama. There  was  no  Republican  ticket  in  the  field.  The 
contest  was  between  white  Democrats.  The  Kolb  party 
say  they  were  refused  the  representation  guaranteed  by 
law  upon  the  election  boards,  and  that,  when  the  courts 
by  mandamus  attempted  to  right  this  wrong,  an  appeal 
tiiat  could  not  be  heard  until  after  the  election  made  the 
writs  ineffectual.  Ballot  boxes  were  thrown  out  for 
alleged  irregularities,  or  destroyed  ;  and  it  is  asserted  on 
behalf  of  one-half,  at  least,  of  the  wliite  voters  of  Alabama 
that  the  officers  to  wliom  certificates  have  been  given 
were  not  honestly  elected. 

Perils  of  Unfair  Elections. 

There  is  no  security  for  the  personal  or  political  rights 
of  any  man  in  a  community  where  any  other  man  is  de- 
prived of  his  personal  or  political  rights.  The  power  of 
the  States  over  the  question  of  the  qualification  of  elect- 
ors is  ample  to  protect  them  against  the  dangers  of  an 
ignorant  or  depraved  suffrage,  and  the  demand  that  every 
man  found  to  be  qualified  under  the  law  shall  be  made 
secure  in  the  right  to  cast  a  free  ballot  and  to  have  that 
ballot  honestly  counted  cannot  be  abated.  Our  old  Re- 
publican battle  cry,  "A  free  ballot  and  a  fair  count," 
comes  back  to  us,  not  only  from  Alabama,  but  from  other 
States,  and  from  men  who,  differing  with  us  widely  in 
opinions,  have  come  to  see  that  parties  and  political 
debate  are  but  a  mockery  if,  when  the  debate  is  ended, 
the  judgment  of  honest  majorities  is  to  be  reversed  by 
ballot-box  frauds  and  tally-sheet  manipulations  in  the 
interest  of  the  party  or  party  faction  in  power. 

A  Non-Paetisan  Solution. 

These  new  political  movements  in  the  States  and  the 
recent  decisions  of  some  of  the  State  courts  against  unfair 
apportionment  laws  encourage  tlie  hope  that  the  arbitrary 
and  partisan  election  laws  and  practices  which  have  pre- 
vailed may  be  corrected  by  the  States,  the  laws  made 
equal  and  non-partisan  and  the  elections  free  and  honest. 
The  Republican  party  would  rejoice  at  such  a  solution,  as 
a  healthy  and  patriotic  local  sentiment  is  the  best  assurance 
of  free  and  honest  elections.  I  shall  again  urge  upon  Con- 

60 


gress  that  provision  be  made  for  the  appointment  of  a  non^ 
partisan  commission  to  consider  the  subject  of  appor- 
tionments and  elections  in  their  relation  to-  the  choice  of 
Federal  officers. 

Civil  Service  Reform. 

The  Civil  Service  System  has  been  extended  and  the 
law  enforced  with  vigor  and  impartiality.  There  has 
been  no  partisan  juggling  with  the  law  in  any  of  the  de- 
partments or  bureaus  as  had  before  happened,  but  ap- 
pointments to  the  classified  service  have  been  made  im- 
partially from  the  eligible  lists.  The  system  now  in  force 
in  all  the  departments  has  for  the  first  time  placed  pro- 
motions strictly  upon  the  basis  of  merit,  as  ascertained  by 
a  daily  record,  and  the  efficiency  of  the  force  thereby 
greatly  increased. 

Educational  Interests. 

The  approval  so  heartily  given  by  the  convention  to  all 
those  agencies  which  contribute  to  the  education  of  the 
children  of  the  land  was  worthily  bestowed  and  meets  my 
hearty  approval,  as  does  also  the  declaration  as  to  liberty 
of  thought  and  conscience,  and  the  separation  of  Church 
and  State.  The  safety  of  the  Republic  is  an  intelligent 
citizenship,  and  the  increased  interest  manifested  in  the 
States  in  education,  the  cheerfulness  with  which  the  nec- 
essary taxes  are  paid  by  all  classes,  and  the  renewed  in- 
terest manifested  by  the  children  in  the  National  flag  are 
hopeful  indications  that  the  coming  generation  will  direct 
public  affairs  with  increased  prudence  and  patriotism. 
Our  interest  in  free  public  schools,  open  to  all  children  if 
of  suitable  age,  is  supreme,  and  our  care  for  them  will  be 
jealous  and  constant. 

Free  Schools  for  All. 

The  public-school  system,  however,  was  not  intended  to 
restrain  the  natural  right  of  the  parent,  after  contributing 
to  the  public-school,  fund,  to  choose  other  educational 
agencies  for  his  children.  I  favored  aid  by  the  General 
Government  to  the  public  schools  with  a  special  view  to 
the  necessities  of  some  of  the  Southern  States.  But  it  is 
gratifying  to  notice  that  many  of  these  States  are,  with 
commendable  liberality,  developing  their  school  systems 
and  increasing  their  school  revenues  to  the  great  advan- 
tage of  the  children  of  both  races. 

Agricultural  Affairs. 

The  considerate  attention  of  the  farmers  of  the  whole 
country  is  invited  to  the  work  done  through  the  State  and 
Agricultural  Departments  in  the  interest  of  agriculture. 
Our  pork  products  had  for  ten  years  been  not  only  ex- 
cluded by  the  great  Continental  nations  of  Europe,  but 
their  value  discredited  by  the  reasons  given  for  this  exclu- 
sion. All  previous  efforts  to  secure  the  removal  of  these 
restrictions  had  failed,  but  the  wise  legislation  of  the  Fifty- 
first  Congress,  providing  for  the  inspection  and  official  cer- 
tification of  our  meats,  and  giving  to  the  President  power  to 

51 


forbid  the  introduction  into  this  country  of  selected  prod- 
ucts of  such  countries  as  should  continue  to  refuse  our 
inspected  meats,  enabled  us  to  open  all  the  markets  of 
Europe  to  our  products.  The  result  has  been  not  only  to 
sustain  prices,  by  providing  new  markets  for  our  surplus, 
but  to  add  50  cents  per  hundred  pounds  to  tiie  market 
value  of  the  inspected  meats.  Under  the  Reciprocity 
agreement  special  favors  have  been  secured  for  agricultu- 
ral products,  and  our  exports  of  such  products  have  been 
greatly  increased,  with  a  sure  prospect  of  a  further  and 
rapid  increase. 

Protection  for  Farm  Products. 

The  Agricultural  Department  has  maintained  in  Europe 
an  agent  whose  special  duty  it  is  to  introduce  there  the 
various  preparations  of  corn  as  articles  of  food,  and  his 
work  has  been  very  successful.  Tlie  Department  has 
also  sent  skilled  veterinarians  to  Liverpool  to  examine,  in 
connection  with  the  British  veterinarians,  the  live  cattle 
from  the  United  States  landed  at  tiiat  port ;  and  the 
result,  in  connection  with  tlie  sanitary  methods  adopted 
at  home,  has  been  that  we  hear  no  more  about  our  cattle 
being  infected  with  pleuro-pneumonia.  A  judicious  system 
of  quarantine  lines  has  prevented  tiie  infection  of 
Northern  cattle  with  the  Texas  fever.  The  Tariff  bill  of 
1890  gives  better  protection  to  farm"  products  subject  to 
foreign  competition  than  they  ever  had  before,  and  the 
home  markets  for  such  products  have  been  enlarged  by 
the  establishment  of  new  industries  and  the  development 
of  others. 

The  American  Farmer  Will  See  the  Point. 

We  may  confidently  submit  to  the  intelligent  and  candid 
judgment  of  the  American  farmer  whether,  at  any  corre- 
sponding period,  so  much  has  been  done  to  promote  his 
interests,  and  whether  in  a  continuance  and  extension  of 
these  methods  there  is  not  a  better  prospect  of  food  to 
him  than  in  the  invitation  of  the  Democratic  party  to  give 
our  home  markets  to  foreign  manufacturers,  and  to 
abandon  the  Reciprocity  policy ;  and  better,  also,  than  the 
radical  and  untried  methods  of  relief  proposed  by  other 
parties,  which  are  soliciting  his  support. 

The  Nioaragtia  Canal. 

I  have  often  expressed  my  strong  conviction  of  the 
value  of  the  Nicaragua  Ship  Canal  to  our  commerce  and 
to  our  Navy.  The  project  is  not  one  of  convenience,  but 
of  necessity.  It  is  quite  possible,  I  believe,  if  the  United 
States  will  support  the  enterprise,  to  secure  the  speedy 
completion  of  the  canal  without  taxing  the  Treasury  for 
anj'-  direct  contribution,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  secure 
to  the  United  States  that  iuliuence  in  its  management 
which  is  imperative. 

Foreign  Affairs  and  National  Honor. 

It  has  been  the  purpose  of  the  Administration  to  make 
its  foreign  policy  not  a  matter  of  partisan  politics,  but  of 
patriotism  and  national  honor,   and  I  have  very  great 


gratification  in  being  able  to  state  that  the  Democratic 
members  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs  responded 
in  a  true  American  spirit.  I  have  not  hesitated  to  consult 
freely  witli  them  about  the  most  confidential  and  delicate 
affairs,  and  I  frankly  confess  my  obligation  for  needed 
co-operation.  They  did  not  regard  a  patient,  but  firm 
insistence  upon  American  rights,  and  upon  immunity 
from  insult  and  injury  for  our  citizens  and  sailors  in 
foreign  ports  as  a  policy  of  "irritation  and  bluster." 
They  did  not  believe,  as  some  otliers  seem  to  believe,  that 
to  be  a  Democrat  one  must  take  the  foreign  side  of  every 
international  question,  if  a  Repulilican  Administration  is 
conducting  the  American  side.  I  do  not  believe  that  a 
tame  submission  to  insult  and  outrage  b}^  any  nation  at 
the  hands  of  another  can  ever  form  the  basis  of  a  lasting 
friendship;  the  necessary  element  of  mutual  respect  will 
be  wanting. 

Chili  and  Me.  Egan. 

The  Chilian  incident,  now  so  happily  and  honorably 
adjusted,  will,  I  do  not  doubt,  place  our  relations  with 
that  brave  people  upon  a  more  friendly  basis  than  ever  be- 
fore. Tills  already  appears  in  the  agreement  since  nego- 
tiated by  Mr.  Egan  for  the  settlement  by  a  commission  of 
the  long  unsettled  claims  between  the  two  Governments. 
The  work  of  Mr.  Egan  has  been  highly  advantageous  to 
the  United  States.  The  confidence  which  I  refused  to 
withdraw  from  him  has  been  abundantly  justified. 

Fair  to  All,  Afraid  of  "None. 

In  our  relations  with  the  great  European  powers,  the 
rights  of  t^e  United  States  and  of  our  citizens  have  been 
insisted  upon  with  firmness.  The  strength  of  our  cause 
and  not  the  strength  of  our  adversary  lias  given  tone  to 
our  correspondence.  The  Samoan  question  and  the  Behr- 
ing  Sea  question,  which  came  over  from  the  preceding 
Administration,  have  been,  the  one  settled  and  the  other 
submitted  to  arbitration  upon  a  fair  basis.  Never  before, 
I  think,  in  a  like  period  have  so  many  important  treaties 
and  commercial  agreements  been  concluded,  and  never 
before,  I  am  sure,  have  the  honor  and  influence — National 
and  commercial— of  the  United  States  been  held  in  higher 
estimation  in  both  hemispheres. 

A  Tribute  to  the  Veterans. 

The  Union  soldiers  and  sailors  are  now  A^eterans  of  time 
as  well  as  of  war.  The  parallels  of  age  have  approached 
close  to  the  citadels  of  life  and  the  end,  for  each,  of  a 
brave  and  honorable  struggle  is  not  remot(\  Increasing 
infirmity  and  years  give  the  minor  tones  of  sadne^^s  and^ 
pathos  to  the  mighty  appeal  of  service  and  suffering. 
The  ear  that  does  not  listen  with  sympathy  and  the  heart 
that  does  not  respond  with  generosity  are  the  ear  and 
heart  of  an  alien  and  not  of  an  American.  Now  soon 
again  the  surviving  veterans  are  to  parade  upon  the  great 
avenue  of  the  National  Capital,  and  every  tribute  of 
honor  and  love  should  attend  the  march.  A  comrade  in 
the  column  of  the  victors'  parade  in  1865,  I  am  not  less  a 
comrade  now. 

53 


Mob  Law  Must  Go. 

I  have  used  every  suitable  occasion  to  urge  upon  the 
people  of  all  sections  the  consideration  that  no  good 
cause  can  be  promoted  upon  the  lines  of  lawlessness. 
Mobs  do  not  discriminate,  and  the  punishments  inflicted 
by  them  have  no  repressive  or  salutary  influence.  On  the 
contrary,  they  beget  revenges  and  perpetual  feuds.  It  is 
especially  the  duty  of  the  educated  and  influential  to  see 
that  the  weak  and  ignorant  when  accused  of  crime  are 
fairly  tried  before  lawful  tribunals.  The  moral  sentiment 
of  the  country  should  be  aroused  and  brought  to  bear  for 
the  suppression  of  these  offenses  against  the  law  and  social 
order. 

No  Room  foe  Deones  oe  Thugs. 

The  necessity  for  a  careful  discrimination  among  the  im- 
migrants seeking  our  shores  become  every  day  more  appar- 
ent. We  do  not  want  and  should  not  receive  those  who  by 
reason  of  bad  character  or  habits  are  not  wanted  at  home. 
The  industrious  and  self-respecting,  the  lovers  of  law  and 
liberty,  should  be  discriminated  from  the  pauper,  the 
criminal  and  the  Anarchist,  who  come  only  to  burden  and 
disturb  our  communities.  Every  effort  has  been  made  to 
enforce  the  laws,  and  some  convictions  have  been  secured 
under  the  Contract  Labor  Law. 

A  Geand  and  Blessed  Land. 

The  general  condition  of  our  country  is  one  of  great 
prosperity.  The  blessing  of  God  has  rested  upon  our 
fields  and  upon  our  people.  The  annual  value  of  our 
foreign  commerce  has  increased  more  than  $400,000,000 
over  the  average  for  the  preceding  ten  years,  and  more 
than  $210,000,000  over  1890,  the  last  year  unaffected  by 
the  new  tariff.  Our  exports  in  1893  exceeded  those  of 
1890  by  more  than  $172,000,000,  and  the  annual  average 
for  ten  years  by  $265,000,000.  Our  exports  of  breadstuffs 
increased  over  those  of  1890  more  than  $144,000,000,  of 
provisions  over  $4,000,000,  and  of  manufactures  over 
$8,000,000.  The  mtrchandise  balance  of  trade  in  our 
favor  in  1892  was  $202,944,342.  No  other  nation  can 
match  the  commercial  progress  which  those  figures  dis- 
close. Our  compassion  may  well  go  out  to  those  whose 
party  necessities  and  habits  still  compel  them  to  declare 
that  our  people  are  oppressed  and  our  trade  restricted  by 
a  protective  tariff.  It  is  not  possible  for  me  to  refer,  even 
in  the  briefest  way,  to  many  of  the  topics  presented  in  the 
resolutions  adopted  by  the  convention.  Upon  all  that 
have  not  been  discussed  I  have  before  publicly  expressed 
my  views. 

The  Meaning  of  Change. 

A  change  in  the  personnel  of  a  National  Administration 
is  of  comparatively  little  moment.  If  those  exercising 
public  functions  are  able,  honest,  diligent  and  faithful, 
others  possessing  all  these  qualities  may  be  found  to  take 
their  places.  But  changes  in  the  laws  and  in  administra- 
tive policies  are  of  great  moment.    When  public  affairs 

64 


have  been  given  a  direction  and  business  has  adjusted 
itself  to  those  lines,  any  sudden  change  involves  a  slop- 
page  and  new  business  adjustments.  If  the  chaHge  of  di- 
rection is  so  radical  as  to  bring  the  commercial  turn-table 
into  use,  the  business  changes  involved  are  not  readjust- 
ments but  reconstructions. 

A  Startling  Contrast  of  Policies. 

The  Democratic  party  offers  a  programme  of  demo- 
lition. The  Protective  policy — to  which  all  business,  even 
that  of  the  importer,  is  now  adjusted — the  Reciprocity 
policy,  the  new  merchant  marine,  are  all  to  be  demol- 
ished— not  gradually,  not  taken  down,  but  blown  up. 
To  this  programme  of  destruction  it  has  added  one  con- 
structive feature,  the  re-establishment  of  State  banks  of 
issue. 

The  policy  of  the  Republican  party  is,  on  the  other 
hand,  distinctively  a  policy  of  safe  progression  and  de- 
velopment— of  new  factories,  new  markets  and  new 
ships.  It  will  subject  business  to  no  perilous  change,  but 
offers  attractive  opportunities  for  expansion  upon  familiar 
lines. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

Benjamin  Harrison. 


55 


THE  ADMINISTRATION. 


What  Benjamin  Harrison  Has  Done 
In  The  Last  Four  Years. 


A  RECORD  THE  NATION  IS  PROUD  OF. 


Duty  Faithfully  Pei-formed 


In  the  American  theory  of  government,  the  President  is 
not  so  much  a  deviser  of  policies,  as  an  executor  of  laws. 
In  practice,  however,  he  is  necessarily  both.  The  respon- 
sibilities committed  to  him  constantly  by  Congress,  not 
less  than  the  duty  imposed  upon  him  by  the  Constitution 
of  advising  Congress,  render  necessary  the  constant  exer- 
cise of  judgment  and  the  constant  formulation  of  public 
policies.  The  various  departments  of  the  executive 
branch  of  the  Government  are  the  agencies  through  which 
the  President  operates.  In  executing  the  laws  and  in 
giving  effect  to  his  personal  views  of  how  the  Government 
should  be  conducted  he  has  a  latitude  almost  as  great  as 
his  power,  almost  as  wide  as  his  responsibility. 

In  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  the  authority  of  the 
President  is  nearly  supreme.  It  stops  only  at  the  point  of 
a  decision  for  or  against  war.  Scarcely  a  law  is  passed, 
either,  with  regard  to  domestic  affairs  that  does  not  in 
some  way  involve  the  use  of  executive  discretion.  In  the 
management  of  the  army,  in  the  building  and  equipment 
of  the  navy,  in  matters  of  treasury  management,  in  the 
direction  of  the  Land  Office  and  of  the  Indian  Bureau, 
the  President's  authority  is  wide  and  in  many  matters 
supreme. 

Grave  Questions  Aeisen. 

During  the  three  years  and  a  half  that  have  passed 
since  Benjamin  Harrison  took  the  oath  of  office  more 
and  graver  public  questions,  involving  serious  possibili- 
ties to  the  country,  have  arisen  than  in  any  similar  term 
since  the  days  of  Reconstruction.  Four  serious  contro- 
versies with  foreign  Governments  have  engaged  atten- 
tion; two  great  financial  crises,  brought  about  by  British 
speculations  in  South  American  securities,  have  occurred 
to  disturb  the  markets  of  the  world  and  to  cause  a  strain- 
ing of  American  resources.  Financial  questions  at  home 
have  taken  an  acute  form  and  have  greatly  concerned 
large  bodies  of  the  people ;  an  Indian  war  was  almost 
precipitated,  and,  from  its  origin,  eave  horrid  promise  of 
being  by  far  the  worst  Indian  conflict  that  has  occurred 
in  the  history  of  the  country.  The  President  has  been 
constantly  confronted  with  tlie  necessity  of  rendering 
decisions  and  taking  actions  wherein  the  slightest  error  of 
judgment  on  his  part  might  have  begn  attended  with  the 
most  serious  consequences  to  the  people. 

56 


"S.  Record  Full  of  Good  Deeds. 

How  he  has  borne  himself  is  a  matter  of  pride  to  his 
countrymen,  whatever  their  party  affiliations.  It  is 
almost  literally  true  to  say  that  he  has  made  no  mistakes. 
It  is  certainly  true  that  he  has  been  equal  to  every  emerg- 
ency. He  was  nominated  four  years  ago  as  an  available 
candidate  from  a  doubtful  State  as  one  who  had  led  a 
comparatively  quiet  life  with  a  record  as  a  brave  soldier 
and  a  safe  and  sagacious  legislator.  He  was  renominated 
because  his  record  as  President  had  put  any  other 
candidacy  out  of  the  question ;  because  his  party 
demanded  his  nomination  ;  because  the  people  were 
more  than  satisfied  with  his  record;  because  he  had 
bravely  borne  every  responsibility,  shirking  never,  and 
doing  well  his  duty  in  the  minutest  as  well  as  in  the 
greatest  particular ;  because  his  wisdom,  his  knowledge 
of  man,  his  self-reliance,  his  sturdy  common  sense,  his 
conservatism  in  judgment  and  his  resolution  and  direct- 
ness in  action  had  rendered  his  administration  of  public 
affairs  almost  incomparable;  had  given  his  party  absolute 
confidence  in  his  leadership,  and  the  country  confidence 
in  his  ofllcial  character,  and  had  left  his  enemies  and  the 
enemies  of  his  party  without  a  word  that  they  could 
truthfully  utter  against  the  excellence  of  his  public 
work. 

President  Harrison's  respect  for  the  people,  his  feeling 
of  safety  in  relying  on  their  temperate  and  well-consid- 
ered judgment,  and  his  ability  to  withstand  all  sorts  of 
pressure  from  partisan  and  class  interests  have  at  all 
times  distinguished  his  public  action.  In  tlie  character 
of  his  appointments  to  offlce  he  has  displayed  a  wonder- 
ful insight  into  human  nature.  There  are  about  120,000 
offices  in  the  Federal  Government,  over  which  the  Presi- 
dent has  absolute  control.  Many  of  these  have  necessarily 
to  be  filled  at  least  once  in  every  four  years.  The  President 
cannot  possibly  know  all  the  peopte  he  is  called  upon  to 
appoint.  He  must  consider  their  looks,  their  conversa- 
tion, the  character  of  those  who  recommend  them,  and 
then  he  must  act  on  his  judgment  and  take  the  conse- 
quences. In  no  Administration  have  the  executive  ap- 
pointments stood  a  higher  test.  This  is  especially  true  of 
judicial  appointments,  scarcely  one  of  which  has  met 
with  anything  but  the  commendation  of  the  whole  coun- 
tr3^  The  bench  of  the  Federal  judiciary  stands  to-day 
much  higher  in  the  esteem  of  lawyers  and  in  the  confi- 
dence of  the  people  than  it  stood  when  Benjamin  Harri- 
son took  the  oath  of  office. 

A  CONSTEUOTIVE   AND   DECIDING  EXECUTIVE. 

This  is  equally  true  of  the  diplomatic  service.  The  United 
States  have  been  represented  abroad  in  every  case  during 
the  Harrison  Administration  by  men  of  understanding, 
high  character  and  excellent  diplomatic  ability,  and  our 
relations  with  foreign  powers  to-day  are  in  all  cases  im- 
proved. The  spectacle  has  not  been  presented,  as  it  was 
during  the  Administration  of  Grover  Cleveland,  of  an 
American  Minister  whisked  about  from  country  to  country 
in  search  of  a  Government  that  would  consent  to  receive 
him.     Though    issues  with  foreign  Governments    have 

57 


arisen  far  graver  and  more  numerous  than  came  up  during 
tiie  Clevelaud  Administration,  our  representatives  have 
been  found  to  he  men  capable  of  handling  them  and 
of  producing  a  result  in  all  cases  creditable  to  themselves 
and  satisfactory  to  this  country.  When  President  Harri- 
son Ijecame  President  he  had  on  his  hands  the  adjustment 
of  every  diplomatic  controversy  that  arose  during  the  Ad- 
ministration of  his  predecessor.  Whoever  his  successor 
may  be,  he  will  find  the  slate  absolutelj^  clean.  A  com- 
parison of  the  Administration  of  foreign  affairs  under  the 
Cleveland  Government  with  that  under  the  Govern- 
ment of  President  Harrison  affords  striking  illustration 
of  the  difference  between  Republican  and  Democratic 
Governments.  The  Republican  Government  does  tilings 
and  does  them  so  they  do  not  have  to  be  done  over  again. 
The  Democratic  Government  wnnders  aimlessly  through 
mud  and  mire,  and  never  seems  to  know  where  to  turn  to 
get  out. 

The  record  of  the  several  departments  of  this  Govern- 
ment during  the  last  three  and  a  half  years  is  the  record 
of  Benjamin  Harrison  as  President.  AVhat  they  have  done, 
he  has  done.  His  has  been  in  all  cases  the  directing  mind. 
While  according  to  the  heads  of  the  departments  that 
respect  and  authority  which  their  position  and  abilities 
justify,  the  President  has  never  lost  sight  of  the  fact  that 
he  was  the  responsible  head  of  the  Government,  and  that 
in  the  ultimate,  as  he  would  be  the  man  who  would  be 
called  to  account  for  the  resuli,  he  must  do  his  own  think- 
ing. He  has  acted  in  accordance  with  this  fact;  and 
whether  in  the  matter  of  foreign  controversies — such  as 
those  with  England  as  to  Behring  Sea,  with  Germany  as 
to  Samoa,  with  Italy  as  to  the  New  Orleans  affair,  and 
with  Chili  as  to  the  Baltimorcoutrage — or  in  matters  of 
domestic  administration — as  in  the  purchase  of  bonds  and 
the  opening  of  new  lands,  the  building  of  the  Navy  and 
the  treatment  of  the  Indians,  postal  reforms  and  the  pres- 
entation of  constitutional  questions  to  the  Supreme  Court 
— in  these  and  in  all  other  affairs  of  moment,  he  has  taken 
a  constructive  and  deciding  part. 

The  record  that  follows  in  these  pages,  therefore,  is  the 
record  of  Benjamin  Harrison  and  the  ground  on  which 
his  party  appeals  to  the  people  for  a  renewal  of  their  ex- 
pression of  confidence  in  him. 


The  L,aw  Must  Be   Supreme. 

(Knoxville,  Tenn.,  April  14.) 

We  live  in  a  Government  of  law.  The  compact 
of  our  organization  is  that  a  majority  of  our  people, 
taking  those  methods  which  are  prescribed  by  the 
Constitution  and  law,  shall  determine  our  public 
policies  and  choose  our  rulers.  It  is  our  solemn  com- 
pact ;  it  cannot  safely  be  broken.  We  may  safely 
differ  about  policies ;  we  may  safely  divide  upon  the 
question  as  to  what  shall  be  the  law;  but  when  the 
law  is  once  enacted,  no  community  can  safely 
divide  on  the  question  of  implicit  obedience  to 
the  law,— BENJAMIN  HAKRI80N, 

58 


Ti  STATEJEPAETIIENT. 

Splendid  Accomplishments  for  Peace  and 
Commercial  Progress. 


r 

■     Sple 

H       A  Gain  of  Sixty  Millions  in  the  Export  Trade 
mt  Directly  Due  to  Treaties  Concluded   by  the 

Harrison  Administration— Samoa,  Behring 
Sea  and  Chili— The  President  and 
Gallant  Minister  Eagan. 

While  Mr.  Cleveland  was  President  there  was  nerve- 
less diplomacy,  of  which  Americans  had  cause  to  be 
ashamed.  There  were  displays  of  petulant  energy  in 
negotiations  with  feeble  States,  but  in  great  affairs  with 
powerful  Governments  courage  and  firmness  were  lack- 
ing. There  was  a  naval  demonstration  against  Hayti; 
and  Mexico,  a  country  which  ought  always  to  be  dealt 
with  magnanimously,  was  coarsely  bullied  and  wantonly 
affronted  in  a  petty  libel  case.  In  its  relations  with  great 
powers  like  Great  Britain  and  Germany  the  Democratic 
Administration  was  irresolute  and  timorous. 

Mr.  Chamberlain  easily  duped  Secretary  Bayard  into 
signing  a  discreditable  Fisheries  Treaty  involving  the 
abandonment  of  historical  American  rights  won  in  the 
Revolution.  Canada  triumphed  alike  in  the  North  Atlan- 
tic and  in  Behring  Sea.  When  Lord  Salisbury  agreed  to 
sign  a  convention  providing  a  season  and  a  distance 
within  which  pelagic  seal  fishing  should  be  illegal, 
Ottawa  interposed  a  veto  and  Secretary  Bayard  was  re- 
duced to  supine  helplessness. 

Cleveland  Suited  Sackville  West. 

So  strongly  were  foreign  interests  favored  in  these 
negotiations,  and  in  the  gratuities  squandered  upon  Cana- 
dian railways,  that  at  the  close  of  the  Democratic  Admin- 
istration the  British  Minister  was  exposed  in 
tlie  act  of  advising-  American  citizens  of  Eng- 
lisii  birtli  to  vote  for  Mr.  Cleveland.  Timorous 
diplomacy  was  not  even  safe,  for  although  Secretary 
Bayard  condoned  when  he  ought  to  have  resented  acts  of 
-  aggression  in  Samoa,  he  only  succeeded  in  embittering 
the  relations  of  Germany  and  the  United  States. 

American  Influence  Restoeed. 

With  the  Harrison  Administration  there  came  a  rapid 
and  complete  transition  in  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs. 
Both  in  the  Old  and  in  the  New  World  American  pres- 
tige lias  been  restored  by  courage  and  firmness  in 
dealing  with  Governments,  whether  great  or  small,  and 
by  a  policy  of  enlightened  self-interest  in  bringing  the 
weight  of  the  best  market  of  the  modern  world  to  bear  in 
determining   commercial   exchanges.     American  rights 


have  not  been  either  compromised  or  abandoned  in  any 
quarter,  but  resolutely  upheld  in  every  diplomatic  contro- 
versy. At  the  same  time  a  pacific  settlement  has  been 
invited  in  every  instance  where  one  could  be  effected  on 
/lonorable  terms.  The  iiithience  of  the  American 
Kepublic  among  nations  was  never  greater 
tlian  it  is  to-day  after  four  years  of  liepubli- 
can  Administration. 

OUE    ViOTOEY  IN  THK   SaMOAN  CaSK. 

The  hi.a;hest  tribute  paid  to  the  diplomacy  which  tri- 
umphed in  the  Berlin  Conference  came  from  a  powerful 
London  journal,  in  the  coufetsion  that  England  had  sub^ 
mxitted  tamely  to  German  aggression  until  it  was  left  for 
the  American  Government  to  show  her  the  path  of  honor. 
With  inflexible  firmness  American  rights  and  the  cause  of 
home  rule  in  Samoa  were  upheld,  and  a  treaty  of  peace, 
excluding  the  supremacy  of  any  foreign  Government  in 
the  islands,  was  negotiated.  With  equal  courage  and 
resolution  the  menaces  of  another  gi  eat  European  nation 
were  resented  after  the  lynching  of  Italian  murderers  in 
New  Orleans.  As  soon  as  an  attitude  of  hostilit}'  was  dis- 
claimed, and  the  American  Government  was  left  at  liberty 
to  act  upon  its  sense  of  justice,  reparation  was  made  in 
the  form  of  an  indemnity  for  the  wrong  done. 

American  Rights  in  Beheing  Sea. 

With  Great  Britain  the  Harrison  Administration  lias 
taken  a  determined,  but  not  unconciliatory,  stand  respect- 
ing American  rights  in  Behring  Sea.  Upon  the  main- 
tenance of  those  rights  based  on  the  Russian  cession,  and 
the  peculiar  conditions  of  seal  life  and  propagation,  de- 
pended the  preservation  of  the  only  great  herd  of  fur-seal 
remaining  in  the  ocean.  Canada,  for  the  sake  of  facilitat- 
ing the  destruction  of  the  herd  by  its  own  sealers,  had 
vetoed  an  international  arrangement  and  blocked  the 
course  of  arbitration.  Secretary  Blaine  took  up  the  ques- 
tion with  such  vigor  as  to  force  an  adjustment  of  it  by  an 
international  tribunal.  While  denying  strenuously  "that 
freedom  of  the  seas  involved  license  for  marauding  enter- 
prises against  a  herd  to  which  Americans  had  every  right 
and  Canadians  none,  he  proposed  temporary  prohibition 
of  sealing,  and  consented  to  a  reference  of  the  whole  dis- 
pute to  a  board  of  neutral  arbitrators. 

A  greatly-needed  extradition  treaty  has  also  been  con- 
cluded with  Great  Britain  by  which  Canada  has  been 
closed  as  a  base  of  retreat  for  American  embezzlers  and 
defaulters.  The  Harrison  Administration  succeeded  in 
this  work  after  the  Cleveland  Administration  had  failed 
to  negotiate  a  eonvention  in  an  unobjectionable  form. 

The  Chilian  Imbeoglio  and  Ministee  Egan. 

^  In  the  Chilian  complications  the  Harrison  Administra- 
tion upheld  the  dignity  and  honor  of  the  country  under 
conditions  of  exceptional  difficulty.  The  outbreak  of  civil 
wax  in  a  friendly  state  imposed  upon  the  American  Gov- 
ernment tiie  obligation  of  maintainino-  an  attitude  of  strict 
neutrality.    This  was  done  by  the  diplomatic  and  naval 

60 


p 

^K  officers  in  accordance  with  explicit  instructions  from 
^K  Washington.  Minister  Egan  made  an  iueli'ectual  elfort  to 
^K  bring  about  a  pacific  adjustment  of  the  questions  at  issue, 
^B  and  in  the  interest  of  humanity  extended  to  leaders  on 
^K  each  side  privileges  of  asylum  in  the  American  Legation. 
^■^  After  the  triumph  of  the  Congressional  party  he  refused 
^B  to  surrender  the  refugees  under  his  roof,  and,  although 
^/t  harassed  by  spies  and, subjected  to  gross  indignities,  he 
^B  persevered  in  protecting  them  until  he  secured  their  re- 

^r  moval  in  safety  from  the  country.     Those  wlio  had 

taken  refiij»e  under  the  American  flag  were 
not  abandoned  in  their  extremity. 

The  Attack  on  the   * '  Baltimore's  "  Ceew. 

In  like  manner  those  who  had  entered  the  service  of  the 
United  States  Navy  were  protected  with  all  the  resources 
of  the  Government  when  they  were  murderously  assaulted 
in  Valparaiso  on  account  of  their  American  uniform.  The 
pursuit  of  the  "  Itata  "  for  violation  of  port  and  neutrality 
laws  in  a  Calif ornian  harbor  had  caused  intense  irritation 
in  Chili,  although  the  leaders  of  the  -Congressional  party 
in  surrendering  the  ship  admitted  the  justice  of  the  Amer- 
ican demand.  This  bitterness  of  feelin^g  had  been  intensi- 
fied by  false  rumors  maliciously  circulated  respecting  the 
conduct  of  the  American  Admiral  at  the  crisis  of  the 
revolution.  These  circumstances  did  not  relieve  the 
assault  upon  a  portion  of  the  *'  Baltimore's"  men  from  its 
essential  character  as  an  attack  upon  the  uniform  of  the 
American  Nav}^  liaving  its  origin  and  motive  in  hostility 
to  the  American  Government,  which  had  been  honorably 
fulfilling  its  neutral  obligations.  The  affront  was  ren- 
dered more  flagrant  by  the  wanton  conduct  of  the  police 
and  public  authorities  of  Valparaiso. 

The  Administration,  while  it  acted  with  forbearance  in 
the  early  stages  of  this  complication,  was  not  to  be  put 
off  by  evasions.  A  fleet  was  dispatched  to  Southern 
waters,  and  preparations  were  rapidly  made  for  naval 
hostilities  on  a  large  scale.  When  the  Chilian  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  issued  an  offensive  circular  letter,  and 
there  was  inexplicable  delay  in  answering  the  American 
Government's  temperate  request  for  explanations  and  rep- 
aration, an  ultimatum  was  presented,  which  was  satis- 
factorily answered.  The  Matta  circnlar  was  witli- 
drawn,  and  full  and  explicit  expressions  of 
regret  for  the  Valparaiso  outrage  were  of- 
fered. Subsequently  the  sum  of  $75,000  was 
paid  to  the  American  3Iinister  as  an  indem- 
nity for  the  lives. taken  and  the  injuries  inflicted  in  the 
assault  on  the  "Baltimore's"  men.  The  Administration's 
policy  throughout  this  affair  was  forcibly  expressed  by 
President  Harrison  in  one  of  the  closing  passages  of  his 
message  to  Congress,  as  follows  : 

National  Honor  Not   to  Be  Lightly  Esteemed. 

**  If  the  dignity  as  well  as  the  prestige  and  influence  of 
the  United  States  are  not  to  be  wholly  sacrificed,  we  must 
protect  those  who  in  foreign  ports  display  the  flag  or  wear 
the  colors  of  this  Government  against  insult,  brutality 
and  death,  inflicted  in  resentment  of  the  acts  of  their 

61 


Government  and  not  for  any  fault  of  their  own.  It  has 
been  my  desire  in  every  way  to  cultivate  friendly  and 
intimate  relations  with  all  the  Governments  of  this  hem- 
isphere. We  do  not  covet  their  territory ;  we  desire  their 
peace  and  prosperity.  We  look  for  no  advantage  in  our 
relations  with  them  except  the  increased  exchanges  of 
commerce  upon  a  basis  of  mutual  benefit.  We  regret 
every  civil  contest  that  disturbs  their  peace  and  paralyzes 
their  development,  and  are  always  ready  to  give  our  good 
offices  for  the  restoration  of  peace.  It  must,  how- 
ever, be  understood  that  this  (Jroverniiieiit, 
while  exercising  the  utmost  forbearance 
toward  weaker  powers,  will  extend  its 
strong  and  adequate  protection  to  Its  citi- 
zens, to  its  officers  and  to  its  humblest  sailor, 
when  made  the  victims  of  wantonness  and 
cruelty  in  resentment,  not  of  their  personal 
miscoiKhict,  but  of  the  official  acts  of  the 
Oovernment. '* 

The  Peesidext  and  Minister  Egan. 

It  was  most  fortunate  for  the  United  States,  as  Presi- 
dent Harrison  has  frequently  taken  occasion  to  declare, 
that  we  were  represented  in  Chili  throughout  this  contro- 
versy by  a  Minister  of  unusual  tact,  sagacity,  firmness, 
forbearance  and  good  judgment.  In  all  these  qualities, 
not  less  than  in  patriotic  devotion  to  the  flag  he  repre- 
sented, Patrick  Egan  showed  his  excellence.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  in  Congress  and  in  its  newspaper  press  has 
incessantly  abused  Mr.  Egan  in  the  endeavor  to  make  him 
the  scapegoat  of  Chili's  misconduct.  His  only  crime,  as 
all  knew,  was  that  of  being  an  Irish  Republican  instead 
of  an  Irish  Democrat ;  but  that  was  sufficient  for  the 
Democratic  partv.  Reinforced  by  a  coterie  of  renegade 
Americans  in  Chili,  who  were  there  representing  British 
interests  and  drawing  British  pay,  tlie  Democrats  have 
assiduously  circulated  all  kinds  of  slanders  against  Mr. 
Egan,  supplied  by  these  renegade  Americans.  They  ac- 
cused him  of  engaging  in  private  speculations  ;  of  being 
interested  in  contracts  with  the  Government  of  the  Chil- 
ian President,  Balmaceda  ;  with  giving  Balmaceda  secret 
information  as  to  the  plans  of  the  revolutionists,  and  with 
giving  to  our  Government  misinformation  as  to  the 
situation  in  Chili  in  the  endeavor  to  induce  President 
Harrison  to  give  Balmaceda  effective  aid. 

All  these  wicked  falsehoods,  emanating  from  British 
conspiracies  and  filtered  through  renegade  Americans, 
were  shamelessly  employed  by  the,  Democratic  party 
throughout  this  country  to  injure  Mr.  Egan  personally, 
to  coerce  President  Harrison  into  demanding  Mr.  Egan's 
retirement,  to  give  aid  and  comfort  to  the  Chilian 
revolutionists  in  their  quarrel  with  our  Government,  and 
to  deceive  the  American  people  as  to  the  merits  of  the 
controversy. 

Egan's  Noble  Perfoemance  of  Duty. 

But  this  miserable  business  signally  failed.  President 
Harrison  is  not  the  man  to  desert  a  faithful  public  servant, 
no  matter  who  may  falsely  assail  him.  The  President 
knew  that  Mr.  Egan  had  given  him  full  and  accurate  in- 

62 


formation  at  all  times  and  in  every  crisis  of  the  affair. 
He  knew  Mr.  Egan  had  followed  his  instructions  im- 
plicitly, and  had  behaved  with  wonderful  tact  and  good 
sense.  He  understood,  too,  the  British  commercial  and 
political  agencies  that  were  at  work  at  night  and  day  in 
Santiago  to  entrap  Mr.  Egan,  first  because  he  was  an 
Irishman,  and,  second,  because  he  was  honored  and 
trusted  by  the  Harrison  Administration.  The  President 
knew  that  Mr.  Egan  had  walked  a  straight  path  through 
all  these  contemptible  conspiracies,  regarding  nothing 
but  his  duty  to  the  country  he  represented. 

Knowing- these  things,  tiie  President  stood 
resolutely  by  3Ir.  Egan,  commended  him  by 
name  at  the  most  critical  point  of  the  affair 
in  a  special  message  to  Congress,  and  let  it  be 
distinctly  known  at  home  and  abroad  that 
the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  and 
all  the  resources  of  this  country  were  at  Mr. 
Egan's  back,  ready  to  vindicate  him  against 
insult  or  wrong. 

The  result  was  the  speedy  subsidence  of  British  and 
Democratic  clamor.  Behind  the  clamor  there  was  nothing 
but  lies,  while  behind  Mr.  Egan  there  was  a  noble  record 
of  duty  well  performed  under  conditions  that  painfully 
taxed  his  patience  and  called  for  the  highest  capacities  of 
a  diplomat.  Mr.  Egan  remains  in  Chili  with  the  fullest 
confidence  of  his  Government  and  the  thanks  and  plaudits 
of  the  American  people.  When  he  returns  from  Chili,  it 
will  not  be  to  step  down,  but  to  step  up. 

All  the  Americas  Dkawn  Together. 

The  general  policy  to  which  the  President  referred  was 
carried  into  effect  when  the  Pan-American  Congress  was 
opened  in  Washington.  The  sessions  were  prolonged  for 
nearly  five  months,  and  exhaustive  reports  were  received 
on  commercial  union,  international  arbitration,  steam- 
ships, railways,  banking  facilities,  coinage  and  other  sub- 
jects. While  the  recommendations  of  a  representative 
body  not  armed  with  treaty-making  powers  could  have  no 
binding  force,  there  was  an  amicable  exchange  of  views 
on  questions  affecting  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  all  re- 
publican nationalities  on  the  continent.  The  most  im- 
portant results  of  this  meeting  were  the  adoption  of  a 
report  in  favor  of  the  negotiation  of  partial  treaties  of 
reciprocity,  the  passage  of  a  resolution  recommending 
compulsory  arbitration  as  an  expedient  for  averting  war, 
and  the  authorization  of  preliminary  surveys  for  a  system 
of  railways  on  north  and  south  lines  to  connect  the  three 
Americas. 

Reciprocity  and  Its  Results. 

The  State  Department,  acting  upon  the  advice  of  the 
Pan-American  Congress,  has  negotiated  a  series  of  treaties 
based  upon  the  Reciprocity  clause  of  the  McKinley  Act. 
In  return  for  a  permanent  free  market  for  sugar,  coffee 
and  hides,  important  concessions  have  been  made  to 
American  food  products  and  manufactures.  About 
nine-tenths  of  the  imported  sugar  supply 
of  the  United  States,  and  from  three-fifths 


to  tliree-fourtlis  of  the  coffee  supply,  are 
now  regulated  by  reciprocity  eiigiigeiueiits 
liiglily  favoriible  vo  the  export  trade.  While 
tiie  cost  of  living  has  been  reduced  to  American  con- 
sumers, the  privilege  of  a  free  market  has  not  been  flung 
away  as  a  gratuity  t^o  foreigners.  Good  business  bargains 
have  been  made  for  American  producers.  A  cheap 
breakfast  table  has  been  rendered  contributory  to  the 
development  of  the  export  trade.  A  fanner,  even 
wliile  he  sweetens  and  drinks  his  coffee, 
helps  to  sell  his  wheat  in  a  foreigrn  market. 

American  Farmers  in  Control  of  Foreign  Markets. 

Ou  this  continent  reciprocity  conventions  have  been  ne- 
gotiated with  Brazil,  the  Spanish  West  Indies,  San  Do- 
mingo, Guatemala,  Honduras,  Salvador,  Nicaragua,  Costa 
Rica,  Jamaica,  Trinidad,  Barbadoes,  British  Guiana,  the 
Leeward  and  the  Windward  Ishinds.  In  Europe  similar 
commercial  agreements  have  been  made  with  Germany, 
France  and  Austria-Hungary,  The  most  important  of 
these  conventions  in  commercial  results  is  the  agreement 
with  Germany,  by  which  the  United  States  is 
practically  admitted  to  all  the  privileges  of 
membership  in  the  Continental  Zollverein, 
The  increase  of  the  export  trade  with  Ger- 
many duriiij?  the  five  months  ending  on 
July  1,  1892,  was  $12,748,513,  mainly  in 
agricultural  products.  The  treaty  with  Spain 
has  placed  American  millers  in  complete  command  of 
the  Cuban  market  and  greatly  stimulated  the  export 
of  provisions,  machinery  and  general  merchandise. 
A  gain  of  $0,293,156  with  the  Spanish  West 
Indies  was  reported  on  July  1,  1892,  with  the 
new  schedules  in  partial  operation  during  the  year.  The 
convention  with  Brazil  has  established  preferential 
schedules  for  American  cotton  goods  and  other  manu- 
factures and  enlarged  the  export  of  breadstuffs.  An 
increase  of  $1,704,483  in  the  export  trade  has  followed 
in  a  single  year.  Similar  results  have  accompanied  the 
negotiation  of  the  conventions  with  France,  Austria- 
Hungary,  the  Central  American  States,  the  British  West 
Indies  and  San  Domingo.  Reciprocity  has  been  shown 
to  be  a  great  business  policy. 

England  Bows  to  Bitter  Necessity. 

The  British  West  Indies,  in  order  to  retain  the  Ameri- 
can market  for  their  sugar,  were  compelled  to  remove  the 
discriminations  against  our  food  products  which  their 
tariff-makers  had  established  for  the  benefit  of  English 
manufacturers.  Free-trade  England  was  practically  tax- 
ing food  in  its  colonies  for  the  benefit  of  its  own  mercan- 
tile classes.  Protective  America,  with  its  Reciprocity 
policy,  is  now  cheapening  food  in  the  same  islands.  This 
anom.aly  and  the  remarkable  gains  for  American  trade 
through  the  development  of  Reciprocity  have  draw^n 
from  Lord  Salishury  the  despondent  con- 
fession that  devotion  to  free  tra<le  may 
be  noble,  but  it  is  not  businesslike.  His 
speech  at  Hastings,  in  which  retaliatory  duties  were  seri- 

64 


ously  proposed,  disclosed  the  helplessness  of  the  British 
Foreign  Office  in  making  commercial  bargains  with  high- 
tariff  conntries.  While  the  United  States  has  been  ad- 
mitted to  Continental  Zollvereins  and  to  the  privileges  of 
tlie  Freuch  minimum  tariff,  and  is  enabled  to  obtain  a 
preferred  position  as  an  exporter  to  Brazil,  the  Spanish 
West  Indies  and  other  countries,  England  is,  as  her  most 
brilliant  diplomatist  has  frankly  declared,  without  armor 
or  weapon  for  fighting  the  modern  battle  for  a  market. 
An  English  Prime  Minister's  direct  tribute  to  the  success 
of  the  Reciprocity  policy  leaves  nothing  wanting  to  com- 
plete the  diplomatic  reputation  of  the  Harrison  Adminis- 
tration. 

Unexampled  Commercial  Victoeies. 

Another  great  stroke  of  business  has  been  the  removal 
of  European  prohibitions  upon  the  admission  of  American 
meat  products.  To  this  result,  which  has  already 
involved  an  increase  of  the  exports  of  liog- 
products  amounting-  to  $10,280,881  in  the 
course  of  a  few  months,  the  Republican  candidate  for 
Vice-President  greatly  contributed  by  his  strong  and  lucid 
presentation  of  the  case  when  he  was  Minister  to  France. 
Vigorous  as  the  State  Department's  work  has  been  in 
the  controversies  which  have  arisen  with  Germany, 
Italy,  Great  Britain  and  Chili,  and  resolute  and  inflexible 
as  its  defense  of  American  rights  has  invariably  been, 
its  chief  8:lory  is  that  of  conducting  the  most 
successful  husiness  Administration  known 
in  the  annals  of  American  diplomacy.  All  the 
productive  interests  of  the  nation  have  been  benefited 
by  the  enlargement  of  foreign  markets  for  American 
exports.  There  has  been  noble  sentiment  in  taking  up 
the  cause  of  murdered  Riggin,  and  in  recruiting  a  fleet 
to  obtain  redress  for  the  wrongs  of  American  sailors,  but 
there  has  also  been  downright  business  in  the  making 
of  a  long  series  of  commercial  bargains  and  in  the  re- 
moval of  restrictions  upon  the  export  trade. 


Smitten  with  the  Liove  of  Peace. 

(S.m  Francisco,  May  1st,  Chamber  Commerce  Receptiun.) 

We  will  pursue  the  paths  of  peace ;  we  are  not  a 
warlike  Nation ;  all  our  instincts,  all  our  history  is 
in  the  lines  of  peace.  Only  intolerable  aggression, 
only  the  peril  of  our  institutions — of  the  flag — can 
thoroughly  arouse  us.  With  capability  for  war  on 
land  and  on  sea  unexcelled  by  any  nation  in  the 
world,  we  are  smitten  with  the  love  of  peace.  We 
would  promote  the  peace  of  this  hemisphere  by 
placing  judiciously  some  large  guns  about  the 
Golden  Gate — simply  for  saluting  purposes,  and 
yet  they  should  be  of  the  best  modern  type. 

—BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 

65 


Debts  Paid,  Circulation  Vastly  Increased 
and  all  Moneys  Held  at  Par. 

Two  Hundred  and  Fifty-nine  Millions  of  Interest 

Bearing  Debt  Paid,  the  Greatest  Record 

Ever  Made,  with  a  Saving  to  the 

People  of  $55,352,493. 

In  no  department  of  the  Government  has  there  been 
administration  more  skilful  or  more  valuable  to  the  people 
than  in  the  Treasury.  These  are  the  main  results  which 
tell  of  methods  and  means  that  assure  public  confidence 
in  Republican  financial  statesmanship  : 

First.  The  large  reduction  of  the  public  debt,  and  the 
annual  interest  charge  thereon. 

Second.  The  reduction  of  public  moneys,  held  by 
favored  national  banks,  and  the  use  of  the  same,  in  pay- 
ing off  the  public  debt. 

Third.  The  placing  of  a  tvp^o  per  cent.  loan. 

Fourth.  The  increase  in  the  volume  of  money  in  circu- 
lation. 

Fifth.  The  maintenance  of  all  our  moneys  at  par  with 
each  other,  and  the  retention  of  a  small  but  safe  balance 
in  the  Treasury. 

Reduction  of  Debt. 

There  has  been  a  very  large  reduction  of  the  public 
debt  since  March  1,  1889.  On  that  day  the  cash  balance 
in  the  Treasury,  stated  according  to  the  present  method, 
and  including  the  amount  held  for  the  redemption  of 
United  States  notes,  was  $173,997,428.  At  that  date  there 
were  no  bonds  outstanding,  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of 
the  Government,  as  was  the  case  on  March  1,  1885,  when 
the  Democratic  Administration  came  into  power.  At 
that  time  there  was  over  $194,000,000  of  three  per 
cents  outstanding  and  redeemable  at  the  will  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. On  March  1,  1889,  the  market  prices  of  the  fours 
and  four  and  one-half  per  cents  were  liigii  owing  to  pur- 
chases made  by  the  preceding  Adminisrration.  Notwith- 
standing these  unfavorable  circumstances,  Secretary 
Windom  succeeded,  during  the  first  sixteen  months . 
of  his  administration,  in  purchasing  $78,974,700  of  four 
per  cents  and  $53,826,450  of  four  and  one-half  per  cent, 
bonds;  and  at  the  end  of  tlie  purchase  was 
paying-  eight  per  cent,  less  for  the  fours,  and 
five  and  five-eighths  per  cent,  less  for  the 
four  and  one-halfs,  than  at  tlie  beginning  ! 

During  the  summer  of  1890  the  skilful  management  of 
our  national  finances  averted  grave  disaster,  and  com- 
pletely restored  that  confidence  in  commercial  circles  that 


had  been  shaken  by  foreign  financial  troubles.  Within  a 
period  of  ninety  days  the  Treasury  Department  disbursed 
over  one  hundred  million  dollars  on  account  of  the  public 
debt. 

The  amount  of  United  States  bonds  purchased  and  re- 
deemed under  this  Administration  since  March  1,  1889, 
was  1259,093,650,  at  a  cost  of  $296,316,931.  The  cost  of 
these  bonds  had  they  been  allowed  to  run  to  maturity 
would  have  been  $351,669,424,  showing  a  saving  to. 
the  Goveriimeut,  through  these  purciiases,  of 
$55,352,493. 

The  annual  interest  charge  on  March  1,  1889,  was  $34,- 
578,459;  the  annual  interest  charge  July  1,  1892,  was 
$22,893,883,  showing  a  decrease  uiid'er  this  Ad- 
ministration in  tlie  annual  interest  charge 
on  United  States  bonds  of  $11,084,576. 

An  Eloquent  Comparison. 

The  interest-bearing  debt  of  the  United  States  on  March 
1,  1885,  the  advent  of  the  Democratic  Administration,  was 
as  follows  : 

Makoh  1,  1885. 

Annual 
Amount.  Interest. 

3%  bonds $194,190,500  $5,825,715 

4^%  bonds 250,000,000  11,250,000 

4  %  bonds  and  Ref.  Certs.       737,958,550  29,518,342 


$1,182,149,050  $46,594,057 

The  interest-bearing  debt  on  March  1,  1889,  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Republican  Administration,  was  as 
follows  : 

March  1,  1889. 

Annual 
Amount.  -  Interest. 

4^  %  bonds $162,842,200  $7,327,899  00 

4  %  bonds  and  Ref.  Certs.     681,264,020  27,250,560  80 


$844,106,220        $34,578,459  80 

The  interest-bearing  debt  of  the  United  States  at  the 
present  time,  July  1,  1892,  is  as  follows  : 

July  1,  1892. 

Annual 
Amount.  Interest. 

2%  bonds $25,364,500  $507,290  00 

4  %  bonds  and  Ref.  Certs.     559,664,830  22,386,593  20 


$585,029,330        $22,893,883  20 

Democratic  Favoritism  of  National  Banks. 

When  the  Democratic  party  assumed  control  of  the  Gov- 
ernment in  1885,  the  amount  of  public  money  held  by 
national  banks  was  $13,665,573,    This  amount  was 

67 


increased,  under  Democratic  Administration,  until  on 
April  30,  1888,  it  was  $01,1)21,294:. 

By  March  1,- 1889,  this  had  been  reduced  to  $48,818,- 
991.  Only  about  one-fourth  of  this  amount  was 
actually  required  to  be  so  held  in  the  business  of  collect- 
ing revenues  and  disbursing  expenditures.  The  re- 
iiiaiiicler  was  simply  public  moneys  left  witli 
favored  banks  on  deposit  instead  of  beinj^ 
used  to  reduce  the  i^eneral  indebtedness  of 
the  United  States.  The  amount  has  been  reduced 
under  Republican  Administration  to  $13,860,270,  or 
about  the  same  amount  as  was  held  when  the  Democratic 
party  took  control  of  the  Treasury  in  1885 ;  that  is  to 
say,  these  unnecessary  balances  have  all  been 
collected,  and  the  money  so  obtained  has  been  employed 
in  paying  off  the  public  debt. 

Placing  of  the  Two  Per  Cent.  Loans. 

In  addition  to  the  large  purchase  of  interest-bearing 
debt  this  Administration  was  able  to  extend  over 
#25.000,000  of  the  four  and  one-half  per  cent,  bonds,  fall- 
ing  due  last  September  at  the  rate  of  two  per  cent, 
per  annum,  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Govern- 
ment, a  rate  lower  than  any  other  Govern- 
ment has  ever  been  able  to  place  a  public 
loan,  and  lower  than  this  Government  has  ever  been 
able  to  place  it  at  any  preceding  period  in  its  history. 

Increase  of  the  Volume  of  Money  in  Circulation. 

There  has  been  a  notable  increase  in  the  volume  of 
money  in  circulation  since  March  1,  1889.  On  that  date 
the  amount  was  $1,404,205,896,  while  on  July  1,  1892,  it 
was  $1,603,073,338,  or  an  increase  of  $198,807,442, 
an  increase  per  capita  of  $1.44.  During  a  corre- 
sponding period  of  the  last  Administration  there  was  an 
increase  of  only  $85,421,811,  and  a  decrease 
per  capita  of  sixteen  cents. 


All  Moneys  at  Par. 

Notwithstanding  the  purchase  of  over  107,065,000  fine 
ounces  of  silver  bullion  under  tlie  Act  of  1890,  and  the, 
issue  of  $105,472,000  in  treasury  notes,  and  notwithstand- 
ing the  large  exports  of  gold  from  the  United  States  dur- 
ing this  period,  by  wise  and  skilful  management  of  the 
public  finances  every  dollar  of  money  issued  by  the  Gov- 
ernment has  been  kept  at  par  with  every  other  dollar  of 
equal  purchasing  value,  and  every  holder  of  any 
oblij^ation  of  the  United  States  has  been  able 
and  will  continue  to  receive  ^old  coin  upon 
demand. 

The  Reduction  of  the  Surplus. 

Notwithstanding  the  large  reduction  in  the  revenues  of 
tlie  Government  occasioned  principally  by  placing  sugar 
on  the  free  list,  tlie  expenditures  have  been  kept  Avell 
within  the  receipts.  The  receipts  of  the  Government  from 
all  sources  from  March  1,  1889,  to  July  1,  1892,   have 

68 


a.^gregated  $1,81  7,768,781,  while  the  expenditures 
have  aggregated    $l,07t5,070,931,   showing    a    net 
excess  of  receipts  over  exi>euditures  of  $244,- 
688,850.     This    surplus    has    been    used,    as    shown, 
above,  in  the  reduction  of  the  public  debt. 

The  cash  balance  in  the  Treasury  March  1,  1885, 
stated  by  the  present  method,  and  including  the  amount 
held  for  redemption  in  United  States  notes,  was  $151,581,- 
970.  This  was  considered  by  the  outgoing  Republican 
Administration  a  liberal  balance  ;  but,  by  August,  1886, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  there  was  over  $194,000,000 
three  per  cent,  bonds  outstanding  redeemable  at  the  pleas- 
ure of  the  Government,  the  surplus  revenues  had  been 
allowed  to  accumulate  in  the  Treasury  until  the  balance 
had  reached  the  enormous  sum  of  $209,184,242. 
Later  it  was  reduced  to  $169,146,475,  but  on  May  1, 
1888,  it  ]iad  again  increased  to  $288,148,858  ;  and 
on  March  1,  1889,  when  the  Republican  Administration 
again  took  charge  of  the  Government,  it  was  $172,- 
997,428.  Since  March  1,  1889,  there  has  been  a  consid- 
erable reduction  of  the  balance,  which  on  July  1,  1892, 
was  $126,692,377. 

Thus  the  revenues  wlieii  collected  have 
been  proni.ptly  returned  to  the  circulation, 
but  witliout  impairing^  the  ability  of  the 
Oovernnient  to  meet  all  its  obligations 
promptly  as  they  came  due. 


Sir  John  Macdonald  Shows  How  American  Protection 
Works. 

{From  a  speech  in  the  Canadian  Parliament  by  the  late 
Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  Premier.) 

Suppose  the  man  has  100  acres  on  the  Canadian 
side  of  the  line  and  100  acres  of  land  on  the  Amer- 
ican side  of  the  line.  Suppose  he  grows  1,000 
bushels  of  barley  on  each  of  his  farms.  He  takes 
his  1,000  American  bushels  to  the  American  market 
and  gets  $1.00  a  bushel  for  it.  He  takes  his  1,000 
bushels  of  Canadian  barlej^  to  the  American  market 
and  gets  but  85  cents  per  bushel,  because  lie  lias 
to  pay  15  cents  duty  for  taking:  it 
across  the  line.  How  can  it,  in  this  case,  be 
said  that  the  consumer  pays  the  duty?  It  COmes 
out  of  tlie  pockets  of  the  Canadian 
farmers. 

69 


m  HAVY  DEPAlffflH. 

Amazing  Progress  in  Every  Branch  of 
Naval  Science. 


The   Ablest   Ship    Ever   Floated    Can    Now  Be 

Launched  in  an  American  Yard  Within  Fifteen 

Months  after  the  Keel  Is  Laid— Democratic 

Obstruction  at  Every  Stage  of  the 

Reform. 


The  Republican  party  initiates  and  develops  new- 
policies;  the  Democratic  party  obstructs  them.  This 
cardinal  principle  of  American  politics  has  been  illustrated 
in  the  building  of  the  navy.  This  movement  received  its 
first  impulse  under  President  Arthur's  Administration. 
The  work  was  undertaken  in  a  self-reliant,  American  way. 
No  attempt  was  made  to  discredit  the  expert 
talent  of  tlie  service.  No  commission  was  sent 
abroad  to  purchase  English  designs  at  first  or  second  hand. 
There  was  no  thought  of  borrowing  European  ideas  or  of 
importing  material  or  mechanism.  Two  Advisory  Boards 
of  recognized  ability  and  experience  reported  a  general 
schemeof  naval  development,  and  recommended  the  con- 
struction of  three  cruisers  and  a  dispatch  boat.  These  ves- 
sels were  built  from  American  designs,  the  contracts  being 
awarded  by  Secretary  Chandler,  and  were  of  American 
material  and  workmanship.  The  vessels  were  approach- 
ing completion  when  a  Democratic  Administration  entered 
upon  office.  A  characteristic  display  of  partisanship  and 
obstruction  followed. 

The  Destruction  of  the  Roach  Shipbuilding  Plant. 

Instead  of  accepting  the  work  of  his  predecessor  as  a 
successful  attempt  to  supply  the  Navy  with  cruisers  of 
moderate  cost,  and  directing  all  his  energies  to  obtaining 
improved  designs  for  faster  and  more  useful  vessels,  Sec- 
retary Whitney  devoted  the  first  year  of  his  term  to  war- 
fare upon  a  Republican  contractor,  and  with  Attorney- 
General  Garland's  assistance  drove  him  into  bankruptcy. 
He  not  only  delayed  the  completion  of  the  vessels,  but 
also  seemed  bent  upon  arraying  one  naval  faction  against 
another  and  securing  condemnation  of  the  designs.  It  is 
only  just  to  add  that  during  the  closing  half  of  his  term 
he  displayed  commendable  energy  in  planning  new  work 
and  in  securing  the  introduction  of  naval  industries  by 
awarding  a  large  contract  for  gun  steel  and  armor. 

But,  even  when  his  partisan  raid  upon  John  Roach  had 
ended,  his  prejudice  against  American  expert  talent  re- 
mained. He  sent  to  Eiijjrland  for^  desij^iis  of 
ships  and  macliiiiery  and  discredited  the 
ahilityof  onr  engineers  to  compete  witii  the 
best   talent   in   Europe.     Some   of   his  English- 

70 


r American  ships  would  have  proved  miscalculated  failures 
if  gross  errors  had  not  been  discovered.  The  battle- 
ship "Texas"  would  not  liave  lloate<l  if  she 
had  heeii  built  on  the  orij'iiuil  Kuj^iish  lines. 
One  of  the  most  ambitious  of  his  cruisers  was  dangerously 


American  Designs  Only,   and  They  the  Best. 


Secretary  Tracy,  when  he  succeeded  Secretary  Whit- 
ney, proved  to  be  neither  a  partisan  nor  a  speculator  in 
English  designs,  but  a  plain  man  of  business,  bent  upon 
building  the  navy  as  rapidly  as  possible  and  upon  obtain- 
ing the  highest  class  of  work.  He  did  not  declare  war 
upon  the  contractors  employed  by  his  predecessor,  nor 
did  he  organize  a  raid  upon  the  shipbuilding  industry. 
Without  disparaging  the  work  which  had  been  done,  he 
employed  the  best  talent  in  the  service  in  improving  upon 
it.  The  English  designs  were  not  duplicated.  Every 
vessel  which  lias  been  planned  under  the 
Harrison  Administration  has  been  American 
In  desig'n.  At  least  three  original  types  of  construction 
liave  been  provided,,  and  these  have  been  markedly  in 
advance  of  the  naval  architecture  of  Europe. 

One  of  these  is  a  commerce  destroyer,  with  the  unpar- 
alleled speed  of  twenty-two  knots  and  a  coal  endurance 
enabling  her  to  sail  around  the  world  without  replen- 
ishing her  bunkers.  Another  is  an  armored  cruiser 
with  a  formidable  battery  and  high  speed,  and 
designed  to  protect  as  well  as  to  destroy  com- 
merce. Still  another  is  a  battleship  with  a 
tonnage  of  10,000,  with  heavy  armor  and  a  very  powerful 
battery,  and  with  defensive  qualities  of  the  liighcst 
etficiency.  Nine  vessels  of  these  three  types,  each  essen- 
tially new  to  naval  architecture,  are  now  under  construc- 
tion, with  an  aggregate  tonnage  of  64,000.  With  forty- 
six  vessels  in  various  stages,  there  has  been  a  great 
volume  of  work,  employing  80,000  mechanics.  Secre- 
tary Tracy's  energ-y  lias  carried  everything 
before  it.  Every  branch  of  the  service  has  felt 
the  impetus  of  his  resolute  purpose  and  organ- 
izing power. 

America,  at  Last,  a  First-Rate  Naval  Power. 

No  detail  of  modern  naval  warfare  has  been  neglected 
by  this  working  Secretary.  There  has  been  a  marked 
improvement  in  both  the  guns  and  the  armor  used  for  the 
new  navy.  The  cost  of  the  batteries  has  been  reduced  at 
the  gun  foundries,  and  by  scientific  tests  a  quality  of 
nickel-steel  armor,  superior  to  anything  used  in  Europe, 
lias  been  produced  for  the  protection  of  tlie  battleships. 
Secretary  Tracy  found  the  gun  factory  in  Wash- 
ington at  work  upon  six-inch  guns.  He  will 
leave  with  mechanical  appliances  for  turning  out  13- 
inch  guns.  The  manufacture  of  projectiles  of  high  power 
has  been  introduced,  and  supplies  of  torpedoes  and  smoke- 
less powder  have  been  obtained.  The  project  of  having 
a  force  of  trained  naval  militia  in  the  coast  towns  has 
been  carried  out  with  marked  success  and  with  signs  of 
increased  public  interest. 

71 


Ailded  to  all  these  improved  methods  of  warfare  are 
important  reforms  in  various  branches  of  the  service,  one 
of  them  being  the  reorganization  of  the  navy  yards  on  a 
business  basis.  So  indefatigable  a  worker  as  Secretary 
Tracy  has  no  time  for  such  displays  of  reckless  partisan- 
sliip  as  clouded  the  reputation  of  his  predecessor.  More- 
over, he  is  too  practical  an  administrative  officer  to  think 
of  driving  a  shipbuilder  into  rack  and  ruin  when  there  is 
such  an  enormous  mass  of  work  to  be  done  for  the  new 
navy.  A  shipbuilder  is  his  friend  and  ally,  not  his 
irreconcilable  foe. 


The  Navy  Confronting  Chili. 

The  Republican  Administration  has  shown  not  merely 
that  it  can  build  a  new  fleet  of  greatly  increased  efficiency, 
but  also  that  it  can  be  depended  upon  in  an  emergency 
to  use  it  with  overwhelming  effect.  In  the  Chilian  com- 
plications the  Department  was  subjected  to  a  rigorous 
test.  The  new  navy  had  cost  many  millions.  Could  it 
be  handled  with  vigor  and  success  ?  Was  there  a  Secre- 
tary in  charge  of  it  capable  of  preparing  for  war  and  of 
striking  a  sudden  blow  without  delay  when  the  time  should 
come  ?  Such  questions  as  these  could  not  be  answered  at 
the  critical  stage  of  the  negotiations,  but,  when  danger 
was  past,  the  navy  was  found  to  have  been  prepared  for  a 
rapid  concentration  upon  the  Chilian  coast.  There  was  a 
fleet  in  the  South  Atlantic,  and  another  one  within  hail  in 
the  Pacific.  Coal  ships  had  been  chartered  and  were 
sailing  southward  ;  adequate  arrangements  had  been  made 
for  provisioning  the  fleet ;  a  repair  ship  had  been  secured 
and  transports  were  available ;  batteries  were  in  order  and 
a  torpedo  outfit  was  under  contract ;  and  the  navy  was  in 
readiness  for  active  operations.  If  it  liact  not  been 
thoiijjht  to  be  so  well  prepared,  it  might  have 
had  serious  work  to  do. 

Amazing  Peogress  in  Naval  Science. 

Never  before  has  there  been  such  unity  of  purpose  nor 
such  concentration  of  effort  in  making  the  navy  a  model 
service  with  all  the  resources  of  a  modern  fleet  under 
symmetrical  development.  After  a  long  and  inexplicable 
season  of  indifference  to  naval  progress  Americans  have 
suddenly  mastered  the  intricacies  of  modern  shipbuilding 
and  are  rapidly  forging  ahead  of  Europeans  in  all  matters 
of  offensive  and  defensive  armaments.  They  are  getting 
the  best  armor,  guns,  projectiles,  powder  and  ships,  and 
are  adapting  themselves  to  the  practical  requirements  of 
the  nation.  The  complex  naval  industries  have  been 
introduced  with  remarkable  facility  and  the  most  difficult 
work  -is  now  undertaken  and  rapidly  executed.  So 
lari^'e  and  fine  a  vessel  as  tlie  **  New  York  '* 
can  be  launched  fourteen  months  after  the 
keel  is  laid.  Wonderful  progress  has  been  made  in 
less  than  a  decade. 

TlTe  newest  vessels  added  to  the  navy  are  essentially 
original  and  American  in  every  sense.  The  "  New  York" 
and  the  "  Columbia "  will  serve  as  modelg  for  foreign 
cruisers  and  commerce  destroyers,  and  their  remarkable 
combination  of  effective  qualities  will  be  reproduced  by 

72 


w 

^B  European  designers.     Ko  longer  are  English   aud  Frencli 

^B'  designs  purchased  and  foreign    types  closely  imitated. 

^K  Only  the  best  of  its  class  is  fit  for  the  American  Navy,  and 

^R  to  have  the  best  it  must  be  invented  by  American  talent. 

^m  This   is  the   spirit   of   the   service  which   has  felt  under 

B  Republican  Administration  the  invigorating  impulse  of  a 

^B  •  broad  and  practical  mind  with  a  creative  policy. 

Wonderful  Yards  and  Shops. 

The  wrork  begun  under  the  Arthur  Administration  has 
been  steadily  developed  and  carried  to  a  high  level  of 
perfection  during  the  last  four  years.  A  new  and  most 
intricate  manufacturing  industry  has  been  undertaken  in 
private  and  public  yards — that  of  building  steel  ships  with 
engines  and  batteries  of  the  highest  power.  Such  war- 
ships as  the  four  10,000-ton  armored  vessels,  and  22-knot 
commerce  destroyers  like  the  "  Columbia,"  are  the  most 
delicate  and  complicated  machines  of  modern  times.  The 
work  of  building  such  a  fleet  has  involved  the  conversion 
of  navy  yards  into  machine  shops,  where  the  highest 
classes  of  mechanics  are  employed  regardless  of  anj'-  other 
consideration  than  skill.  So  scientific  are  the,  processes, 
and  so  thorough  is  the  organization  of  the  Department, 
that  the  best  results  of  European  skill  and  experience  have 
been  surpassed. 

Demooeatio  Attempts  to  Kill  the  New  Navy. 

It  is  a  great  and  patriotic  work  conducted  on  a  large 
scale  and  with  vast  expenditures,  but  the  Democratic 
party  does  not  seem  to  be  in  sympathy  with  it,  and  never 
allows  an  opportunity  for  obstructing  it  to  pass.  Mr. 
Holnian  within  a  year  lias  lieadeda  series  of 
petuleiit  revolts  against  the  new  navy.  Secre- 
tary Tracy  having  caught  up  with  all  arrears,  desired  to 
continue  the  work  of  enlarging  the  fleet.  -  His  recommen- 
dations were  very  moderate,  but  democratic  econo- 
mists would  not  consent  to  have  a  dollar  ap- 
propriated for  new  work.  They  even  opposed  the 
bare  authorization  of  two  additional  ships,  and  were  only 
defeated  after  a  desperate  struggle.  Even  then  they  had 
succeeded  in  restricting  the  Secretary's  proposals  aud  in 
suspending  the  operation  of  a  Republican  Senate's  pro- 
gressive policy.  Widely  and  deservedly  popular  as  is  the 
movement  for  developing  the  defensive  resources  of  the 
nation,  Democratic  leaders  cannot  bring  themselves  to 
approve  of  it  without  hesitation  and  reserve.  Their  ob- 
struction instincts  overmaster  them  whenever  fresh  pro- 
posals are  made  for  battleships  of  the  highest  class. 
They  are  confused  by  the  notion  that  a  fighting  navy 
should  be  wanted.  Some  of  them  like  Mr.  Holman  are 
constantly  mumbling  under  their  breath,  ''What  is  a 
navy  good  for  anyway?"  The  work  of  makinj^ 
the  American  Navy  what  it  on^ht  to  he— a 
marvel  of  modern  science  and  the  pride  of 
the  seas,  a  fortress  and  a  defense  of  Ameri- 
can rights— falls  upon  the  more  progressive 
and  patriotic  party.  The  battle  of  American  naval 
supremacy  will  have  to  be  fought  to  the  very  end,  and  the 
victory  won  by  the  Republican  party. 

73 


IB  WAR  DEPABTll 


Sea-Coast  Defenses  Now  Constructing  in 
a  Dozen  Great  Harbors, 


Great  Gun  Factories  Have  Been  Born  of  Republi- 
can Endeavor— Submarine  Mines  Laid— The 
Army  Reorganized  in  Rank  and  File. 


President  Harrison  is  to  be  congratulated  upon  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  affairs  of  the  Department  of  War. 
Under  Secretary  Proctor,  and  now  under  Secretary 
Stephen  B.  Elkins,  reforms  and  progress  have  been  tli'e 
rule.  Over  $50,000,000  are  annually  applied  under  the 
direction  of  this  Department  in  the  superintendence  of 
liver  and  harbor  improvements  and  public  works  through- 
out the  country  ;  in  the  maintaining  of  free  and  unob- 
structed commerce  along  the  seaboard  and  through 
navigable  higliways ;  in  defenses  and  ordnance  in  connec- 
tion therewith ;  in  addition  incidental  matters  pertain- 
ing to  the  preserving  and  perfecting  the  records  of  the 
War  of  the  Rebellion  and  pensioners,  and  a  careful 
management  of  the  entire  military  system. 

During  the  Harrison  Administration  there  have  been 
more  activity  and  Successful  development  than  in  any 
previous  corresponding  period  for  thirty  years.  Nearly 
two  Imiiclrecl  iiiillioiis  of  dollars  have  been 
expeiiclecl  without  the  loss  throiijjh  defalca- 
tion or  official  mishap  of  a  single  dollar  to  the 
Government ! 

No  Invasion  Now  Is  Feaked. 

Our  people  had  real  occasion  to  be  apprehensive  of 
foreign  invasion  until  in  August,  1890,  a  Republican 
Congress  began  the  creation  of  a  system  of  defenses, 
and  appropriated  a  million  and  a  quarter  for  the  con- 
struction of  gun  and  mortar  batteries  at  Boston, 
New  York  and  San  Francisco,  the  three  great 
gateways  to  the  American  Continent.  That  system 
embraces  (1)  an  armament  of  the  heaviest  rifle 
guns,  which,  while  widely  dispersed,  can  concen- 
trifte  on  the  enemy's  vessels,  projectiles  calculated 
to  keep  the  most  powerful  fleet  at  a  distance,  or  to  de- 
stroy it  if  it  ventures  near  ;  (2)  submarine  mines  planted 
in  the  channels  and  roadways ;  (3)  the  protection  of 
these*mined  areas  by  batteries  of  rapid-firing  guns. 

Appropriation  was  last  year  made  for  the  defense  in 
this  fashion  of  Hampton  Roads  and  Washington,  and 
projects  for  the  defense  of  Charleston  and  Savannah  are 
under  consideration.  Modern  heavy  rifle  guns  are  of 
such  increased  range  that  the  Administration's  plan  pro- 

74 


F  1  ^f  ihn  oviorior  line   of  defenses   even 

flel^t  beyond  bombarding  ai^^^^^^^  ^^,^^^^    1,,,,,.^ 

President  Harrison   beheyes  wo   .       ourselves.     This 
modern  ordnance   ^"^  shouUl  maj^^c    t^^  ^^  ^^^.^^^ 

we  now  do.     ^o  longer  need  wcimpm^^^^  Under  lie- 

armament  is  made,  nor  ^lie    ^r^es  tor  ^^^^^^_ 

publican  encouragement  a  new  i^misiry  ^^^^  ^^^_ 

fished.     The  niachmery  for  he  army  an^  used^in  them  is 
tories  is  Aniencan-made   and  the  ^^^enai        ^^^^.^  ^^^.  .^ 
fabricated  in  tl"S  country.     The  bestjay       ^^^.^^^     ^^^_ 
^^i^^trSX  f^SniUrim^P^oLg  prepUion. 
A  Vastly  Improved  Akmy. 
The  army  itself,  in  Us  "}-'„ -^jf,  j~'S"'-"o;.i' 

The  eftcf'-'n'^y  "f '™?''Xmies  ol  each  officer  are  regu- 
K^^on'^S^'lVdlmprred  attainments  and  conduc: 

are  already  ^"J^^-.  ,^^„„  o-nidance  the  primitive  system 

mary  courts  which  promptly  ai^poseu  ^  ^^.^^ 

nets  being  punished  ^^"^^^^J.^et^i^rmSch  better".     He 

penalties.     The  enlisted  man  likes  tins  i 

Fs  better  fed,  clothed  ^"^  lodpd  t^^^^^^^ 

ially  does  the  law  Passed  ^Pon^h^  AdSstration,  which 

Department  during    the  P^^^l^'^^^Xnorable  discharge, 

passed. 

The  Akmy  on  the  Frontiee. 

The  Department  l^as  enlisted  Indians  as  reg^ 
with  signal  success,  /he  practce  promotes  c^^^^^       ^^^^^^ 
among  the  tribes  and  secures  the  war^^^^^^^  g^^^^  ^^^ 

.as  champions,  not  enemies    of  the  ^^P^  "^^^       ^^^^  ^even 
Indians,  including  five  f'^l    troops  oi  c         J'^.  ^^.^^  ^i^^ 

companies  of  ^^^'^''y^J'^Zt^^^^^^^  ^^ 

last  four  years,  of  the  /^^^^ler  garrib       ,  ^^^^^^ 

them  many  ^^  ^  -m  isolat  d  and  au^  ,^^^^ 

abandoned.  ^  ^  i  .  f  linp  of  Secretary  Elkins'  much- 
rJ;ia^idTd%oii:r^Mch  ^tf  X  «'e  estahlishment 
at  stategic  points  of  larger  posts. 

Royal  Tbaininq  fob  Ouk  Militia  ! 
To  utilize  the  splendidly  d""«d|;  regulars  .-in  tnuning 
lltrSi%nTo^e'''^eetn?Sr"eau^^^^^^ 
75 


manly  young  fellows  who  form  the  thousands  of  military 
companies  of  which  our  cities  and  towns  are  justly 
proud.  The  State  troops  will  be  placed  upon  a  higher 
plane  of  efficiency  and  brought  into  more  intimate  relation 
with  the  regular  army. 

The  notorious  injustice  worked  by  the  Democratic 
Administration  upon  those  entitled  to  pensions,  through 
red  tape  and  grossly  lax  methods,  resulting  in  hopeless 
blockade  of  business  in  the  Pension  Records  Division  of 
the  War  Department,  has  been  happily  remedied.  System 
has  been  introduced.  The  calls  from  the  Pension  Office 
alone  for  information  from  the  records  average  205,000 
annually.  Under  this  Republican  Administration  40,000 
cases  in  arrears  were  brought  up  in  one  year,  30,000  new 
ones  were  disposed  of,  and  197  clerks  were  doing  the  work 
that  formerly  occupied  649. 

Our  army,  happily,  numbers  only  25,000,  as  against 
1,000,000  professional  soldiers  in  Germany  with  two- 
thirds  of  our  population ;  but  recent  occurrences  remind 
the  Republic,  both  as  regards  our  dignity  abroad  and 
good  order  at  home,  that  the  spirit  of  a  vigorous  patriot- 
ism— even  a  military  spirit — must  be  encouraged  and  con- 
served. It  would  indeed  be  folly  for  voters  in  the  coming 
election  to  make  change  in  the  Administration  and  thus 
deprive  the  Republic  of  a  continuance  of  the  progressive, 
vigorous,  yet  wise  and  careful,  policy  of  President  Harri- 
son and  Secretary  Elkins. 


The    Dignity    of    I.abor. 

Gentlemen,  you  can  not  elevate  labor.  It  is  beyond 
your  reach.  God  blessed  labor  in  the  beginning.  We 
may  and  should  do  that  which  tends  to  eimoble  and 
elevate  the  laborer,  but  we  can  not  elevate  labor,  God 
blessed  that  in  the  beginning,  when  by  His  holy  ordinance 
He  commanded  that  in  the  sweat  of  our  faces  we  should 
eat  bread.  Labor  is  not  only  noble,  but  ennobling. 
*  *  *  This  is  a  nation  of  laborers;  it  is  not  of  con- 
sequence where  or  how  we  labor  to  honorably  fill  life's 
mission,  but  do  we  live  and  labor  worthily  and  w^ell  ?  We 
recognize  no  idlers  save  the  gamblers,  the  loafers,  and 
those  who  subsist  by  lawlessness,  and  they  are  taw,  W'e 
all  get  our  bread  in  sweat  of  our  faces,  whether  our 
efforts  are  bestowed  in  one  capacity  or  another.  And 
this  creates  one  great  bond  of  sympathy  betv/een  all  our 
people.  I  am  in  favor  of  all  those  organizations  which  cal} 
together  men  of  kindred  sympathies,  who,  recognizing 
the  universal  brotherhood  of  mankind,  and  the  equal 
rights  of  all,  seek  to  do  that  which  will  lift  men  up,  make 
them  better,  and  which  gives  them  to  understand  that 
in  this  country,  to  those  who  practice  industry,  economy, 
and  sobriety,  the  road  to  competence  and  excellence  is 
open. 

—BENJAMIN    BUTTEKWORTH. 

76 


TIE  rap  JEFAETINT. 

How  Its  Great  Bureaus  Have  Been  Con- 
ducted by  Secretary  Noble. 

Reforms  in   Every  Branch  of  the  Service— The 

Eleventh  Census— Commissioner  Carter's 

Work  in  the  Land  Office— The  Indian 

Bureau  and  Its  Care  of  the 

Nation's  Wards. 

The  Interior  Department  is  a  vast  collection  of  busi- 
ness offices  wiiereiu  the  laws  of  the  Government  witii  n.  • 
gard  t^  its  Territories,  the  Public  Lauds,  the  Indian 
Service,  Pensions,  Patents  and  many  other  smaller  con- 
cerns are  put  into  execution.  The  census  is  taken  under 
the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  so  that  his 
duties  since  the  Harrison  Administration  came  into  office 
have  been  even  more  varied  and  laborious  than  usual. 
Signal  success  has  marked  their  performance.  The 
eleventh  census,  dealing  with  a  much  greater  number  of 
public  affairs  than  have  heretofore  been  investigated  by 
any  census,  has  been  taken  three  months  earlier  tiian  any 
other.  The  work  of  enumeration  began  on  June  1,  and 
its  result  as  to  population  was  announced  on  October  30. 
The  result  of  the  next  preceding  census  was  not  announced 
until  January.  In  other  words,  although  there  was  an  in- 
crease of  more  than  12,000,000  of  people  to  bo  counted, 
making  the  work  25  per  cent,  greater  than  before,  the  re- 
sult was  made  out  three  months  earlier.  What  this  means 
in  the  handling  of  the  enumerators  is  not  easily  appre- 
ciated. The  publications  of  the  eleventh  census  have  been 
five  times  greater  already  than  those  of  the  tenth  census, 
but  there  is  no  doubt  that  in  the  collection  and  arrange- 
ment of  tlie  finally  completed  statistics  as  nuich  as  two 
years  will  be  gained  over  any  preceding  record.  The  new 
departments  covered  by  the  eleventh  census  are  tliose  of 
school  and  church  statistics,  Indian  statistics,  mines  and 
mining  and  the  general  subject  of  mortgage  indebtedness. 
These  are  matters  of  the  highest  value  to  the  public,  with- 
out which  the  real  condition  of  the  country  would  be  but 
partially  exhibited.  ^ 

It  is  an  interesting  fact,  that  wdiile  our  population  has 
been  increasing  from  50,000,000  to  62,000,000,  that  of  the 
United  Kingdom  has  grown  from  85,000,000  to  only  39,- 
000,000.  T^'!  force  of  this  fact  is  most  impressive  in  the 
story  it  telli    >f  American  development. 

Many  attempts  have  been  made  by  Democratic  parti- 
sans to  impeach  the  work  of  Superintendent  Porter,  but 
every  such  proceeding  has  ended  in  the  Immiliation  of 
tliose  engaged  in  it.  The  Congress  investigation,  carried 
on  b^--  Democratic  Congressmen  to  inquire  into  Democratic 
chit-''  '>s,  proved  abundantly  that  Mr.  Porter's  work  has 
bee  onderfully  fair,  accurate  and  complete,  and  proved 
oul}  .hat.  Tlie  c^  "ximittee  of  investigation,  ashamed  to 
report  that  its  libe  -us  informants  were  false  witnesses, 

77 


unwilling,  before  election,  to  admit  tlic  trutli,  and  unable 
to  declare  anything  to  the  discredit  of  the  Bureau,  made 
no  other  report  before  Congress  adjourned  than  to  say  it 
would  report  some  time  in  the  distant  future ! 

In  tue  Land  Office. 

The  change  of  Administration  when  Cleveland  went  out 
and  Harrison  came  in  was  to  none  more  apparent  than  to 
that  great  body  of  the  American  people  who  had  newly 
settled  on  the  public  domain  in  the  great  States  and  Ter- 
ritories west  of  the  Mississippi  River.  For  four  years 
they  had  been  treated  almost  barbarously.  The  Home- 
stead laws  of  the  United  States,  created  by  the  Republican 
Party,  were  aimed  to  settle  the  West,  to  bring  into  culti- 
vation the  vast  and  wonderfully  fertile  plateaus  and 
prairies  that  had  been  waiting  for  centuries  the  touch  of 
plow  and  harrow.  Beyond  comparison  and  far 
beyond  expectation  bad  been  tbe  success  of 
the  Homestead  policy.  Millions  of  Americans 
from  the  Eastern  States  and  millions  more  of  immigrants 
from  all  the  countries  of  Europe  had  settled,  developed 
and  brought  into  fellowship  with  the  Union,  Territory 
after  Territory  and  State  after  State. 

But  the  Democratic  party,  as  hungry  after  scandals  as 
after  spoils,  when  it  came  into  power,  proceeded,  without 
investigation  and  without  the  slightest  evidence,  to  de- 
nounce the  settlers,  whose  thrift  and  industry  had  made 
the  country  great,  and  to  vex  and  plunder  them.  Andrew 
Jackson  Sparks,  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office, 
under  Mr.  Cleveland,  within  a  few  days  after  he  took 
office,  declared  that  the  great  body  of  settlers  in  the  West 
had  acquired  their  lands  dishonestly,  and,  in  his  first 
annual  report,  placed  the  falsehood  on  record,  that  at  the 
outset  of  his  administration  he  "  was  confronted  with 
overwhelming  evidences  that  the  public  domain  was 
being  made  a  prey  of  unscrupulous  speculation  and  the 
worst  forms  of  land  monopoly,  through  83'^8tematic  fraud 
carried  on  and  consummated  under  the  public  land  laws." 

Slanders  and  Wrongs  against  the  West. 

He  bad  the  crazy  audacity  to  declare,  in  the  same  re- 
port, that  the  proportion  of  fraudulent  entries  could  be 
more  nearly  estimated  at  the  whole  number  of  such 
entries  than  in  any  other  manner.  At  no  time  was  Com- 
missioner Sparks  in  possession  of  the  slightest  particle  of 
proof  in  support  of  his  statements.  There  is  not  on  fib; 
in  the  Department,  and  there  never  has  been,  any  state- 
ment of  facts  even  suggestive  of  such  proof.  If  tbe 
idea  in  bis  liead  was  not  purely  cbimerical, 
it  was  partisan  and  malicious. 

At  this  time  large  numbers  of  applications  for  final 
papers  were  before  the  Department.  Claiming  that  the 
entries  upon  the  public  domain  were  in  almost  all  in- 
stances fraudulent,  and  that  the  merchants  and  farmers 
who  had  created  Iowa,  Nebraska,  Kansas,  the  Dakotas, 
Montana  and  all  the  far  West  were  unscrupulous  specu- 
lators. Commissioner  Sparks  issued  an  order  on  April  3, 
1885,  suspending  action  on  all  entries  in  almost  the  entire 
country  west  of  the  Mississippi  River.  Tbe  spirit 
tbat  prompted  tbis  order  controlled  tbe 
administration  of  tlie  land  laws  for  four 
years.    Settlers  were  in  all  cases  treated  as  suspicious 

78 


characters,  and  the  vaguest  and  most  indefinite  charges 
against  them  were  enough  to  cause  dehiys  in  the 
acquirement  of  their  lands  and  expenses  in  the  protection 
of  their  rights  that  rendered  all  their  relations  with  the 
Government  a  source  of  vexation,  reproach  and  loss.  In 
thousands  of  cases  farms  that  had  been  fully  acquired 
were  actually  lost  to  their  rightful  owners  by  the  unjust 
conduct  of  Commissioner  Sparks. 

Naturally,  when  this  Administration  assumed  the  reins 
of  government  in  1889,  it  was  confronted  by  a  land  sys- 
tem utterly  demoralized  in  every  branch  and  bureau. 
There  were  pending  and  awaiting'  considera- 
tion no  less  than  ,350,953  applications  and 
entries.  In  the  first  year  of  the  Cleveland  Adminis- 
tration agricultural  patents  had  been  issued  to  over 
11,800,000  acres,  but  in  the  three  succeeding  years  the 
total  number  issued  covered  only  14,000,000  acres. 

Republicans  Do  Things  Bettkk. 

Secretary  Noble,  with  the  aid  of  Commissioners  GrolT 
and  Carter,  has  in  three  years  cleared  up  allthese 
arrearages.  In  1890,  117,347  agricultural  patents 
were  issued,  covering  18,759,520  acres.  In  1891,  114,300 
patents  were  issued,  covering  18,297,000  acres.  In  1892, 
96,380  patents  were  issued,  covering  15,420,800  acres. 
Tlie  total  number  of  patents  issued  from 
1885  to  1888  was  162,754.  The  total 
number  issued  from  1888  to  1892  was 
398,128.  The  total  number  of  acres  handed 
to  those  who  had  earned  them  in  the  lirst 
period  amounted  to  only  26,040,040,  while 
in  the  second  period  they  amounted  to 
63,700,480.  The  docket  is  now  clear,  and  when 
Commissioner  Carter  resigned  office  on  July  1,  1892, 
he  left  a  bureau  free  to  attend  to  current  business 
as  it  arose.  The  brave  and  hardy  people  who  had 
said,  with  Tennyson,  "  more  life  and  fuller  that  I 
want,"  who  had  turned  the  wilderness  into  a  garden,  and 
had  dug  millions  in  metal  from  the  hills,  are  no  longer 
treated  as  if  their  business  was  a  disgrace  and  an  injury  to 
tiie  Nation.  The  Government's  assumption  in  dealing  with 
them  is  not  that  they  are  frauds  seeking  to  swindle  the 
public,  but  honorable  Americans  seeking  to  give  homes 
to  their  children  and  wealth  and  strength  to  the  country. 

The  Indian  Bureau. 

The  Bureau  of  Indian  Affairs  is  one  of  the  most  difficult 
and  perplexing  offices  in  the  Government.  It  has  to  do 
with  the  oversight  of  250,000  Indians,  ranging  all  the  way 
from  the  lowest  savagery  up  to  complete  civilization.  It 
deals  with  their  lands,  their  offences,  their  education, 
etc.,  etc.  It  disburses  every  year  many  millions  of  dol- 
lars, purchases  and  distributes  large  quantities  of  pro- 
visions, clothing,  agricultural  implements,  stock,  etc., 
and  has  to  contend  with  great  difficulties. 

During  the  three  years,  from  July  1,  1885,  to  June  30, 
1888,  the  total  appropriations  for  the  Indian  service 
amounted  to  $16,993,265.48 ;  while  for  the  three  years, 
from  July  1,  1889,  to  June  30,  1892,  the  total  appropria- 
tions amounted  to  $38,831,355.16.  During  the  first  three 
years  mentioned  above,  there  was  paid  for  lands  pur- 
chased from  the  Indians  nothing ;  while  during  the  last 

79 


throe   years   there  was   paid  for  lands   purchased  from 
Iiidians  $16,808,092.41). 

Indian  Lands  Thrown  Open. 

The  relinquishment  to  the  Governrntrnt  of  large  tracts  of 
land  held  by  Indians  in  common,  and  their  accepting  of 
small  individual  allotments  for  farming  purposes  during 
the  past  two  or  three  years,  while  of  great  good  to  tlie 
Indian,  was  also  a  pecuniary  benefit  to  the  Government ; 
as  although  considerable  cash  had  to  be  paid  to  the 
Indians,  which  swelled  the  annual  appropriations  greatly 
in  the  end  by  the  disposal  of  the  land  to  actual  white 
settlers,  the  Government  will  be  f  idly  reimbursed. 

That  which  distinguishes  the  present  admistration  of 
Indian  affairs  more  tlian  any  one  thing  is  the  policy  of  re- 
ducing the  Indian  reservations  and  allotting  lands  to  the 
Indians  in  severalty.  During  the  three  years  of  Harrison's 
Administration,  more  than  twenty-four  millions  of  acres 
of  Indian  lands  have  been  restored  to  the  public  domain, 
to  become  the  residence  of  pioneer  settlers.  During  the 
first  three  years  of  the  last  administration  there  were 
4,135  individual  allotments  of  land  made  to  Indians  ;  while 
during  the  three  years  of  Harrison's  Administration, 
12,273  Indian  allotments  were  made.  During  the  first 
three  years  of  the  last  administration  there  were  690 
patents  issued  to  Indians  for  lands,  while  during  the 
three  years  of  the  Harrison  Administration  there  have 
been  7,248  delivered.  A  vast  amount  of  labor  is  involved 
in  this,  matter  of  reducing  the  reservations,  and  especially 
in  the  matter  of  making  allotments. 

Indian  Reforms. 
The  object  of  making  Indians  successful  farmers  has 
been  kept  constantly  and  prominently  in  view  for  the  last 
four  years,  and  the  results  have  been  very  gratifying,  as, 
owing  to  great  numbers  having  taken  allotments  of  lands 
in  severalty,  and  now  feeling  a  personal  interest  and 
ownership  in  their  land,  they  have  more  inducement  to 
fence,  break  and  cultivate  it,  and  a  very  decided  advance 
may  be  expected  in  the  next  few  years.  They  are  being 
assisted  by  training  schools,  where  farming,  gardening 
and  care  of  stock,  especially  milch  cows,  are  tairghttothe 
young  men.  Great  numbers  of  stock  for  breeding  pur- 
poses have  been  issued  to  then\  under  such  provisions  and 
restrictions  as  will  insure  their  proper  care  and  the  care 
of  the  increase  for  sufllcient  length  of  time  to  supply  each 
thrifty  farmer  with  a  small  herd  of  his  own.  Practical 
farmers  are  located  amongst  them,  so  as  to  be  constantly 
with  them  to  instruct  and  encourage  them. 

Indian  Education. 
The  educational  work  of  the  Indian  Bureau  for  the  fis- 
cal years  1886-7-8-90-92  may  be  summarized  as  follows  r 


No.  Of 
Schools. 

Capacity. 

Enrollment. 

Average 
Attendance. 

1886 
1887 
1888 
1890 
1891 
1892 

214 
223 
233 
246 
256 
275 

15,291 
15,766 
16,464 
18,457 
•     19,992 
•22.000 

12,316 
14,333 
15,212 
16,377 
17,926 
•19,000 

9,360 
10,2.50 
11,240 
12,232 
13,588 
•16,000 

•  Approximately. 


80 


During  the  last  three  fiscal  years  new  reservation  board- 
ing schools  have  been  established  among  the  White  Mount- 
ain Apaches,  Arizona;  at  Fort  Belknap,  Montana ;  Fort 
Totten,  North  Dakota;  Fort  Sill,  Oklahoma;  Seger 
Colony,  Oklahoma;  Okanagan,  Washington.  New  reser- 
vation boarding  schools  will  soon  be  opened  in  the  south- 
western part  of  the  Kiowa  Reservation,  at  Hoopa  Valley, 
California;  Ouray,  Utah;  Oneida,  Wisconsin,  and  West- 
ern Shoshone,  Nevada. 

Large  training  schools  have  already  been  established  at 
Fort  Mojave,and  Phoenix,  Arizona,  and  Fort  Lewis,  Colo- 
rado, n^r  the  Southern  Ute  Reservation,  and  a  similar 
school  will  immediately  be  opened  at  Fort  Shaw,  Mon- 
tana. Building  operations  are  already  under  way  which  will 
result  in  a  few  months  in  the  opening  of  training  schools 
at  Mount  Pleasant,  Michigan  ;  Tomah,  Wisconsin  ;  Pipe- 
stone, Minnesota ;  Flandreau,  South  Dakota,  and  Perris, 
California.  The  total  capacity  of  these  new  ochools  is 
2,340. 

Reforms  in  School  Methods, 

Some  ot'jer  important  matters  which  have  occurred 
during  the  last  three  fiscal  j^ears  are  the  following :  The 
repairing,  enlarging,  remodeling,  and  furnishing  with  a 
better  and  fuller  equipment  schools  already  in  existence. 
By  means  of  these  agencies,  the  enrollment  and  average 
attendance  has  been  largely  increased.  The  service  1ms 
been  greatly  aided  by  the  adoption  of  a  new  course  of 
study,  based  upon  the  latest  researches  in  educational 
science;  a  list  of  text  books  by  modern  authors;  the 
promulgation  of  uniform  rules  for  the  government  of 
schools  ;  the  enactment  by  Congress  of  a  compulsory  law 
for  the  education  of  Indian  youth  ;  the  adoption  of  a  more 
complete  and  extended  system  of  supervision,  whereby 
careful  and  critical  inspection  can  be  made  of  the  whole 
field  of  Indian-school  work  ;  the  extension  of  the  contract 
system  to  public  schools  by  means  of  which  Indian  youth* 
can  be  educated  in  company  with  their  white  brethren, 
and  the  extension  of  the  regulations  of  the  Civil  Service 
Law  to  the  more  important  positions  in  the  Indian  school 
service. 

The  Pension  Buheau. 

No  bureau  of  the  whole  Government  is  more  jealously 
watched  or  ardently  hated  by  the  Democratic  party  than 
that  which  deals  with  pensions.  The  best  answer  to 
slander  is  found  in  the  two  tables  following,  comparing 
the  work  done  under  Grover  Clevieland  with  that  done 
under  Benjamin  Harrison.  The  record  for  Cleveland's 
Administration  from  March  1,  1885,  to  June  30, 1888,  is  as 
follows  : 


81 


From  Marcu  l,  1885,  to  June  30,  1888. 

Number  of  calls  on  War  Deparlment 567,259 

Pieces  of  mail  matter  received 7,632.293 

Pieces  of  mail  matter  sent ; 5,450,826 

Certincates  Issued : 

Invalid  original 173,420 

Widows'  original,  increase,  etc 160,987 

Total ~.. 334,407 

Total  amount  expended  for  salaries  of  clerks  and 
special  examiners,  together  wltti  per  diem  and 

expenses  of  special  examiners '18,106,419  87 

Average  cost  in  salaries  of  issuing  each  certificate. . .  24  24 
Amount  expended  for  per  diem  and  traveling  ex- 
penses of  special  examiners 1,486,389  79 

Medical  examinations  made 592,212 

Number  of  boards  of  examining  surgeons 400 

Amount  disbursed  for  pensions  from  Marcli  1, 1885,  to 

June  30.  1888 $237,685,704  77 

Cost  Of  disbursemement 899,009  56 

Average  cost  of  disbursing  one  dollar  during  said 

period .a35 

Average  cost  of  paying  one  pensioner <-   .729 

Total  numl)er  of  original  and  restoration  cases  al- 
lowed from  March  1 ,  ias5,  to  June  m,  1888  181,269 

Total  number  of  increase  and  reissue  cases  allowed 

from  March  1 ,  1885,  to  June  30, 1888 207,177 

Total  number  -^f  pensioners  added  to  rolls  from  March 

1,  1885,  to  June  30,  1888 182,269 

Total  number  of  pensioners  on  rolls  March  1, 1885 337,(569 

Total  number  of  pensioners  on  rolls  June  30, 1888 452,557 

Net  increase  during  said  period 114,888 

From  March  1,  1889,  to  June  30,  1892. 

The  record  during  llarrison's  Administration  was  as 
follows : 

Number  of  calls  on  War  Department 855,871 

Pieces  of  mail  matter  received 15,126,871 

Pieces  of  mail  matter  sent 9,994,942 

Certificates  issued :  ' 

Invalid  original 468,216 

Widows'  original,  increase,  etc 291,387 

Total 759,603 

Total  amount  expended  for  salaries  of  clerics  and 
special  examiners,  togetlier  Avith  per  diem  and 

expenses  of  special  examiners '18,437,^57  40 

Average  cost  in  salaries  of  issuing  each  certificate. . .  ii  lO 
Amount  expended  for  per  diem  and  traveling  ex- 
penses of  special  examiners $1,059,270  81 

Medical  examinations  made 1,204,038 

Number  of  boards  of  examining  surgeons 1,232 

Amount  dispersed  from  March  l,  1889,  to  June  30, 

1892 $.391,064,778  46 

Cost  Of  disbursement. 1,268,310  23 

Average  cost  of  disbursing  one  dollar  during  said 

period .0032 

A veragMeost  of  paying  one  pensioner 0.49 j^ 

Total   number   of   original   and   restoration  cases 

allowed  from  March  1,  1889,  to  June  30, 1892 475,360 

Excess  during  Harrison's  Administration 294,091 

Total  number  of  increase  and  reissue  cases  allowed 

fromMarchl,  1889,  to  June  ;^,  1892 266,778 

Excess  during  Harrison's  Administration 69,601 

Total  number  of  pensioners  added  to  rolls  from 

March  1, 1889,  to  June  30, 1892 475,360 

Excess  during  Harrison's  Administration 294,191 

Total  number  of  pensioners  on  rolls  March  1, 1889.. . .  472,920 

Total  number  of  pensioners  on  rolls  May  31, 1892 856,087 

Net  increase  during  said  period 383 ,167 

Excess  during  Harrison's  Administration , 268,279 

83 


No  More  Democratic  Deficiencies  to  be 
IVIade  Up  by  Congress. 


Mr,  Wanamaker  Carries  Out  a  Host  of  New  and 

Sweeping  Reforms  in  Postal  Service— Fewer 
.     Lost  Letters,  Faster  Trains,  and  a  Vastly 
Improved  Local  Service, 


The  management  of  postal  affairs  under  the  last  Demo- 
cratic Administration  left  much  to  be  desired.  Post- 
master-General Wanamaker  has  applied  to  the  postal 
service  his  abilities  as  a  business  man,  and  many  progres- 
sive reforms  have  been  accomplished.  The  deficiency  of 
$6,227,919.43  for  the  fiscal  year  1889,  v^hen  the  Demo- 
crats were  in  control,  has  been  reduced  to  $3,978,392.38, 
as  estimated  for  the  year  ended  June  30,  1892 ;  and  for 
1893  there  will  probably  be  a  small  surplus.  The  Admin- 
istration is  bringing  this  better  state  of  affairs  about  by 
providing  better  service,  thus  increasing  the  business, 
and,  consequently,  the  revenues,  of  the  Office.  There  is 
no  surer  indication  of  the  general  condition  of  business  in 
this  country  than  the  postal  receipts.  The  amount  of  in- 
crease and  the  improved  rate  under  this  Administration 
betoken  prosperity. 

Some  Striking  Compaeisons. 

Comparisons  with  the  preceding  Democratic  regime 
prove  the  efficiency  of  Republican  work.  The  Adminis- 
tration of  Mr.  Cleveland  increased  expenditures  thirteen 
and  one-half  per  cent. ;  the  present  Administration  not 
quite  four  per  cent.  The  Democrats  in  their  last  full  year 
of  Administration  increased  the  special  delivery  business 
over  that  of  the  preceding  year  a  little  less  than  fifteen 
per  cent.  During  the  past  year — 1892 — ihe  increase  has 
been  over  eighteen  per  cent.  In  1888,  under  Democratic 
management,  the  losses  of  registered  mail  matter  averaged 
one  piece  in  every  15,300  registered  ;  in  1892  the  loss  has 
been  about  one  in  every  40,000  pieces  registered.  Great 
savings  have  been  achieved  in  the  obtaining  of  supplies 
by  contract.  The  people  now  have  their  choice  of  three 
sizes  of  postal  cards.  A  system  of  visitation  by  the  post- 
masters of  the  larger  offices  has  been  instituted.  The 
object  is  not  to  inspect  or  reprimand,  but  to  help  and 
encourage  ;  and  the  officials  of  the  smaller  and  more  re- 
mote offices  are  greatly  benefited. 

This  one  measure  costing  the  Government  not  one  dol- 
lar, but  at  the  cost  of  many  hundreds  of  dollars  and  many 
days  of  time  voluntarily  given  out  of  the  zeal  of  the  post- 
masters, has  greatly  promoted  harmony  and  an  esprit  de 
corps  throughout  the  Department. 

83 


No  Partisanship  in  the  Kailway  Mail  Service. 

The  railway  mail  service,  an  intricate  maze,  was  under 
the  Cleveland  Administration  permitted  to  fall  a  prey 
to  the  greed  of  the  politician.  No  longer  so.  liusi- 
jiess  laws  rule  absolutely  now.  Whereas  for  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1888,  there  was  noted  against  railway 
postal  clerks  one  error  to  3,707  pieces  distributed,  for 
1892  there  was  but  one  error  to  5,406  pieces.  This  rec- 
ord is  the  best  ill  tlie  history  of  the  railway 
mail  service.  Hallway  postal  clerks  are  stimulated 
to  the  highest  endeavor  by  the  award  of  competitive 
prizes.  Since  May  1,  1889,  not  one  clerk  has  been  dis- 
missed from  this  service  excepting  for  cause  ;  indeed,  the. 
merit  system,  with  promotions  to  fill  vacancies,  finds  in 
Mr.  Wanamaker  a  staunch  supporter.  Last  July  he 
brought  about  a  complete  change  in  tlie  status  of  thous- 
ands of  postal  employees  both  in  the  Department  at 
Washington  and  in  the  service  at  large,  which  takes 
wholly  out  of  the  range  of  extraneous  influences  the 
advancement  and   salary  of  any  of  the  people   affected. 

New  Lightning  Mail  Service. 

.  Letters  make  their  journeys  in  less  time  than  formerly. 
This  Administration  is  forever  looking  about  for  faster 
trains  and  shorter  routes  over  which  to  send  the  mail 
bags.  For  instance,  the  gain  in  transit  between  New 
York  and  San  Francisco  from  March,  1888  (under  Demo- 
cratic management),  to  November,  1888,  with  the  Harri- 
son Administration  in  power,  was  2|  hours.  From  New 
York  to  New  Orleans  the  schedule  has  been  advanced  11 
hours  and  35  minutes  since  1889.  So  in  every  direction, 
and  between  many  points.  In  the  one  year,  1890,  there 
were  put  on  5,354.  new  railway  post-ofiices,  and  8,917  cars 
improved  by  added  space.  In  the  following  year  the  addi- 
tions were  :  New,  2,010;  improved,  8,078. 


Better  Local  Services. 

The  suburban  service  has  been  greatly  improved.  City 
distributions  aiv.  ..  '^^requeut.  New  conveniences  have 
been  added.  All  these  things  are  in  the  experience  of 
every  citizen.  There  never  was.a  time  when  mail  matter 
was  so  promptly  collected,  so ''swift  in  transmission,  so 
absolutely  sure  of  reaching  its  destination. 

The  advantages  of  the  money-order  system  have  been 
placed  as  far  as  practicable  within  the  reach  of  communi- 
ties destitute  of  means  for  the  transmission  of  small  sums 
of  money.  Within  twelve  months  the  policy  has  been  in- 
augurated of  extending  the  system  so  that  it  shall  embrace 
all  post-offices  at  which  the  compensation  of  the  Post- 
master is  not  less  than  $200  per  annum.  By  reducing  the 
amount  of  security  required  of  a  postmaster  to  authorize 
liim  to  do  a  money-order  business,  the  number  of  such 
offices  is  greatly  increased,  Postmaster-General  Wana- 
maker's  plan,  however,  perfectly  securing  the  Govern- 
ment against  loss.  The  number  of  money-order  offices 
has  been  increased  by  this  Administration  since  June  30, 
1888,  by  0,617,  or  a  little  over  80  per  cent. 

The  abolition  of  the   lottery   curse  is    a  Republican 

84 


triumph.  By  persistent  effort  in  the  Post-Oflice  Depart- 
ment, lottery  matter  is  now  known  to  be  almost  wholly 
driven  out  of  the  mails. 

The  Fokeign  Mail  Service. 


The  Postal  Aid  Act  will  secure  increased  and  quicker 
service,  and  henceforth  American  mails  are  to  be  carried 
imder  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  Forty-six  communities  have 
already  successfully  tried  tlie  rural  free  delivery.  It  will 
change  the  whole  home  life  of  our  farmers,  bringing  them 
the  newspaper  regularly  without  expenditure  of  timeoref- 
f  ort  on  their  part.  Life  on  the  farm  will  thus  be  made  more 
attractive.  Mr.  Wanamaker  is  endeavoring  to  secure  the  re- 
duction of  the  registry  fee  for  mail  matter  down  to  five 
cents.  House  to  house  collections  of  mail  matter,  and 
sea  post-offices,  the  application  of  the  railway  mail  prin- 
ciple to  ocean  steamers,  are  other  triumphs  of  practical 
government  scored  by  this  Administration. 


TIE  fflOBlT-GEim'S  OFFICE. 

it  Has  Been  Rarely  Successful  in  Its 
Work  Before  the  Courts. 


Election  Thugs  Sent  to  Condign   Punishment- 
Justice  no  Longer  Denied  by  Delays— Fed- 
eral Judges  Protected  and  the  Laws 
Everywhere   Upheld. 


In  the  Department  of  Justice,  Attorney-General  Miller 
has  acquitted  himself  with  much  credit.  It  is  not  gen- 
erally appreciated  that  an  unusual  number  of  great  con- 
stitutional questions  are  being  adjudicated  during  this 
Administration — more  than  at  any  other  period  since  Re- 
construction days.  The  Department  has  been  prompt 
and  thoroughly  prepared  in  the  presentation  of  cases. 
The  election  laws  have  been  better  enforced  than  for  sev- 
eral years  previously,  especially  in  the  South,  and  violators 
rigorously  punished.  In  cases  where  the  juries  have  failed 
to  do  their  duty,  often  by  reason  of  partisan  considera- 
tions, the  Attorney-General  instructed  the  district-at- 
torney to  try  and  retry  the  cases  so  Jong  as  there  was  any 
hope  of  obtaining  a  verdict.  Tlie  lottery  interests  have 
been  foiled  at  every  point.  Indeed,  this  great  moral  vic- 
tory achieved  b^  the  Harrison  Administration  is  in  itself 
sutflcient  to  entitle  it  to  the  support  of  upright  citizens  at 
the  polls.  The  much  abused  Fifty-first  Congress,  the 
"  Do  Something  Reed  Congress,"  as  Republicans  have 
proudly  dubbed  it,  paved  the  way  with  vigorous  legisla- 
tion, and  the  Republican  Department  of  Justice  looks  to 
it  that  the  lottery  people  do  not  perpetuate  their  institu- 
tion through  technical  or  illegal  evasions. 

Peotecting  Fedekal  Judges. 

The  new  tariff  law,  which  is  w^orking  benefits  and 
prosperity  in  every  community,  has  been  upheld  as  con- 
stitutional, and  the  Interstate  Commerce  Law,  the  safe- 
guard of  the  people,  especially  of  the  farmers  and  ship- 
pers of  the  West  and  South,  has  been  strengthened  and 
adhered  to.  The  protection  of  Mr.  Justice  Field  by  a 
United  States  Marshal  of  California,  through  instructions 
from  Washington,  though  it  resulted  in  the  killing  of  the 
notorious  Terry,  was  earnestly  approved  by  the  people. 
The  episode  re-established  the  important  principle  that 
the  President  is  vested  with  not  only  the  authority,  but 
the  duty  to  protect  Federal  Judges  in  the  discharge  of 
their  duties. 

Everywhere  Upholding  the  Laws. 

The  conviction  of  three  young  men  of  Northern  Mis- 
sissippi, charged  with  combining  to  prevent  a  young 
colored  man  from  acting  as  postal  agent,  is  an  instance  of 

86 


the  firm  intention  of  this  Administration  to  uphold  the 
rights  of  colored  citizens. 

The  conspiracy  in  the  neighborhood  of  Macon,  Georgia, 
to  prevent  certain  citizens  of  New  York  from  occupying 
and  enjoying  their  land  holdings  in  that  locality,  was  suc- 
cessfully shattered  and  a  number  of  the  conspirators  con- 
victed, first,  for  contempt  and  perjury,  and,  finally,  for 
murder.  Three  of  them  went  to  the  penitentiary  for  life. 
Their  scheme  involved  the  occupation  of  the  land  under 
forged  deeds,  the  cutting  of  timber,  etc.,  and  finally 
murder  of  the  agent  of  the  property— one  Colonel  For- 
sythe.  The  general  agent  of  the  Department  at  Washing- 
ton was  sent  to  Macon  to  secure  complete  justice  against 
these  persistent  offenders. 

Successful  war  has  been  waged  upon  the  unprincipled 
fellows  of  Alabama  and  other  States  who  were  in  the  habit 
of  plundering  the  Government  by  means  of  prosecutions 
instituted  and  carried  just  far  enougli  to  make  fees,  but 
not  to  stop  the  offense  in  vogue.  The  Department  has  re- 
fused to  commence  suits  to  set  aside  patents  long  since 
issued,  and  in  any  way  to  disturb  old  titles,  except  in  cases 
where  the  public  interest  imperatively  demanded  that 
such  litigation  be  undertaken.  The  Government  cannot 
be  "  used"  under  this  Administration. 

Mil.  Miller's  Successes  Before  tue  Courts. 

A  large  majority  of  the  cases  argued  before  the  Supreme 
Court  have  been  decided  in  favor  of  the  Government.  The 
Supreme  Court  docket  has  been  cleared  of  cases  out  of 
place  there.  The  establishment  of  the  Circuit  Court  of 
Appeals  was  another  triumph  of  the  Fifty-second  Con- 
gress, and  one  heartily  applauded  by  the  bar  of  the  nation. 
President  Harrison's  appointments  of  Judges  for  this  and 
other  benches  have  been  ideak  Mr.  Cleveland's  judicial 
appointments  \^ere  disappointing,  and  some  of  them  bad. 
This  new  Court  relieves  the  Supreme  Court,  which  is 
years  behind  in  its  work,  and  provides  against  further 
justice  being  side-tracked  or  wholly  .unattainable  through 
interminable  delays. 

New  Judicial  Methods. 

In  the  Circuit  and  District  Courts  methods  have  been 
approved,  and  irregularities,  due  to  negligence  under  Dem- 
ocratic rule,  in  large  measure  corrected.  Some  six  thou- 
sand war  claims  cases  are  now  pending,  each  one  of  which 
is  examined  with  the  same  thoroughness  as  is  bestowed  in 
private  litigation.  Greater  stress  is  laid  on  the  loyalty  of 
claimants,  especially  in  claims  coming  from  the  South. 
Last  year  the  Department  of  Justice  caused  to  be  dismissed 
from  the  dockets  of  this  Court  between  four  and  five  hun- 
dred cases  involving  claims  against  the  Government 
aggregating  over  two  million  dollars. 


How  the  Five  Million  Farmers  of  the  Land 
Kave  Been  Served. 


Their   Products    Borne   Successfully  Into  Every 
Foreign  Market— New  Agricultural  Oppor- 
tunities  Developed— Cattle   Disease 
Stamped  Out— Communicating 
with  the  People. 

There  are  about  5,000,000  farmers  in  the  United  States 
and  with  their  families  and  laborers  they  constitute  nearly 
one-half  the  population  of  the  Union.  The  earnest  work 
done  for  this  vast  body  of  the  people  has  frequently  led 
to  the  denunciation  of  the  Harrison  Administration  by  the 
Democracy  as  a  "Farmers'  Government."  Gladly  the 
contemptuous  fling  is  accepted  as  a  title  of  distinction  by 
the  Republican  party,  whose  pioneers  thirty-five  years  ago 
were  largely  recruited  by  tillers  of  the  soil. 

At  the  time  the  present  Administration  came  into  power 
profound  depression  seemed  to  be  the  prevailing  senti- 
ment among  the  farmers.  A  slight  but  steady  diminution 
in  the  prices  of  most  of  the  staple  agricultural  products 
had  been  going  on  for  some  years.  During  the  very  first 
year  of  President  Harrison's  Administration,  however,  the 
adverse  agricultural  current  which  seemed  to  threaten  the 
country's  prosperity  was  arrested — indeed,  it  was  turned 
back,  and  the  future  once  more  holds  out  bright  promises 
to  the  American  farmer. 

A  Happy  Choice  in  "Uncle  Jerry"  Rusk! 

The  first  step  taken  by  President  Harrison  was  the  choice 
of  Hon.  J.  M.  Rusk  as  Secretary  of  Agriculture.  This 
olBcial's  success  is  the  talk  of  the  nation.  Hitherto  the  Agri- 
cultural Department  had  been  regarded  with  indifference, 
or,  what  was  worse,  good-natured  contempt.  All  this  has 
been  changed.  .  Realizing  that  his  nominee  would  be 
practically  the  first  Secretary  of  Agriculture  of  tlie 
United  States,  and  that  upon  him  would  devolve  the  re- 
sponsibility of  showing  to  the  coaintry  whether  the  eleva- 
tion of  the  Department  to  its  present  rank  was  a  wise  or 
unwise  measure.  President  Harrison  chose  for  this  port- 
folio a  man  of  affairs,  endowed  with  exceptional  good 
sense,  with  energy  and  perseverance,  in  thorough  sym- 
pathy with  farmers  in  all  their  pursuits. 

Opening  Foreign  Markets  to  American  Meats. 

In  the  promotion  of  the  live-stock  interests  the  Harri- 
son Administration  has  scored  a  notable  triumph.  When 
it  came  into  power,  vexatious  restrictions,  and  in  some 

88 


countries  prolonged  quarantine,  discouraged  and  ham- 
pered exporters  of  live  stock,  while  the  meat  trade,  espe- 
ciall}'"  that  in  pork  —of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  great- 
est number  of  farmers  was  })racticallj'^  strangled  by  op- 
pressive regulations  and  costly  inspections  abroad,  and, 
in  the  case  of  pork,  by  absolute  prohibition  in 
most  of  the  countries  of  Europe.  The  growth  of 
the  pork  trade,  so  thriving  during  the  seven- 
ties, was  pitifully  reduced  during  the  following 
decade,  and  there  was  a  disastrous  glut  of  the  home 
market. 

But  it  was  not  to  continue  through  the  Harrison  Ad- 
ministration. An  admirable  system  of  inspection  has 
been  devised  in  the  teeth  of  opposition,  and  with  no 
dearth  of  skepticism  as  to  results.  Restrictions  against 
the  admittance  of  American  pork  have  been  removed  by 
the  following  European  countries :  Germany,  September 
o  1891 ;  Denmark,  September  8,  1891 ;  Italy,  October  17, 
1891 ;  Austria,  December  4,  1891 ;  France,  December  5, 
1891 ;  Spain,  May  21,  1892.  From  September,  1891,  to 
April,  1892,  more  than  30,000,000  pounds  of  inspected 
pork  have  been  exported.  This  prosperity  reminds  the 
producers  of  the  good  old  days  before  1881.  By  that  time 
foreign  countries  had  absolutely  refused  our  hog  products. 
In  the  years  in  which  these  prohibitions  were  enacted  our 
export  trade  absorbed  46.5  per  cent,  of  the  entire  quantity 
turned  out  by  the  packing  houses  of  the  United  States. 

So  with  cattle.  It  was  estimated  that  the  requirement 
of  immediate  slaughter  by  Great  Britain  depreciated  the 
price  of  American  cattle  in  that  market  from  $10  to  $15 
per  head  as  compared  with  Canadian  bullocks  admitted 
without  restriction.  This  meant,  for  tlie  period  during 
which  the  prohibition  had  been  enforced,  a  direct  loss 
abroad  certainly  of  $4,000,000;  and,  the  depression  affect- 
ing the  price  of  every  steer  marketed  in  the  United  States, 
the  home  loss  has  been  estimated  at  $25,000,000  annually. 
The  Republican  Administration  took  hold  of  this  matter 
vigorously  and  sagaciously.  The  allegations  of  the  ex- 
istence of  disease  among  American  cattle— often  falsely 
made  by  foreigners  to  justify  the  restrictions  which  made 
the  trade  unprofitable — have  been  disproved  when  false; 
and  a  tireless  fight  waged  for  the  extirpation  of  pleuro- 
pneumonia in  the  one  or  two  comparatively  insignificant 
sections  of  the  country  where  this  menace  to  the  cattle 
interests  could  be  discovered.  This  task  was  tre- 
mendous. It  involved  co-inspection  by  representatives 
of  the  Department  in  Great  Britain  of  all  animals 
inspected  by  the  British  authorities,  inspection  on  this 
side  of  all  animals  shipped  abroad,  and  a  system  of  num- 
bering and  tagging  some  400,000  animals,  so  that  any  al- 
leged case  of  disease  could  be  traced  from  its  original 
source. 


The  Wonderful  Inspection  Seevioe. 

Under  the  present  Administration  all  this  vast  amount 
of  work  has  been  undertaken  and  carried  out ;  so  success- 
fully, mdeed,  that  on  the  single  item  of  insurance  of  cattle 
in  transit,  shippers  are  saving  annually  $2,000,000  on  the 
prices  paid  tliree  or  four  years  ago.  An  idea  of  a  part  of 
the  labor  of  this  bureau  can  be  obtained  when  it  is  known 


89 


that  in  two  years  it  inspected  59,483  herds,  594,417  ani- 
mals; tagged  102,801 ;  purchased  and  killed  4,440;  lias 
made  \Q)iA4:5  po.'it  7)iot  te77i  examinations  and  disinfected 
7,906  premises.  Not  a  case  of  the  dreaded  disease  lias 
been  found  in  any  part  of  the  country  where  it  pre- 
viously existed  during  the  last  twelve  months,  with  the 
single  exception  of  one  county  in  New  Jersey,  and  there 
over  two  months  have  elapsed  without  a  new  case  having 
been  discovered. 

Yet  this  is  a  disease  with  which  Great  Britain  and 
many  other  countries  have  been  unsuccessfully  coping 
for  forty  and  lifty  years,  with  the  result  that  many 
authorities  declare  that  its  thorough  extirpation  is  im- 
possible. 

Of  the  new  markets  opened  to  American  farmers  by 
this  Administration,  mention  is  made  elsewhere.  The  in- 
vestigation of  the  resources  and  conditions  of  other  coun- 
tries which  might  be  made  available  as  markets  for  our 
surplus  crops  has  fallen  largely  to  the  Agricultural  De- 
partment. The  introduction  of  our  American  indian  corn 
into  Great  Britain,  and  Germany  especially,  for  use  as 
human  food,  gives  promise  that  before  the  present  Ad- 
ministration closes  an  American  product  hardly  known 
abroad,  save  as  a  cheap  substitute  for  cattle  feed,  will  be 
in  demand  all  over  Europe  as  a  cheap  and  nutritious  sub- 
stitute forother  cereal  foods.  No  longer  will  an  abundant 
corn  crop  mean  distressingly  low  prices.  In  the  last  de- 
cade but  four  per  cent,  of  "the  crop  has  gone  abroad.  Bet- 
ter things  ahead ! 

New  Opportunities  foe  Farmees. 

The  policy  of  this  Administration,  as  regards  the  food 
supply  of  the  nation,  is  to  have  our  own  farmers  produce 
it.  It  is  a  matter  of  surprise  to  many  to  find  that  every 
year  American  consumers  pay  to  foreigners  between 
$250,000,000  and  #275,000,000  for  farm  products  which 
can  and  ought  to  be  successfully  grown  on  American  soil 
to  the  profit  of  the  American  fanners.  For  instance,  the 
Administration  has  revived  the  courage  and  energy  of 
American  sugar  producers.  Why  should  every  living 
American  be  levied  upon  to  the  extent  of  $1.60  annually 
to  support  the  foreign  sugar-producing  industry  ?  The 
Department  of  Agriculture  has  found  scores  of  incidental 
ways  to  prove  useful  to  the  farmer  and  the  country.  New 
methods  have  been  developed  by  which  the  farmer  is  now 
enabled  to  save  a  large  pQrtion  of  his  fruit  crop  from  the 
ravages  of  insect  pests  or  plant  diseases,  and  so  with  his 
cereal  crops,  his  cotton,  potatoes,  hops  and  tobacco. 

The  destruction  of  the  fluted  scale  in  California  by  the 
importation  of  the  Australian  lady-bug  saved  the  orange 
groves  of  California.  The  Division  of  Pomology  has 
imported  and  distributed  many  new  varieties  of  foreign 
fruits  and  seeds. 

Communicating  with  the  People. 

The  present  Administration  is  noted  for  profound  in- 
vestigation and  the  most  widespread  diffusion  of  informa- 
tion obtained.  The  number  of  documents  issued  has  in- 
creased in  the  ratio  of  four  to  one.     The  transfer  of  the 

90 


Weather  Bureau  from  the  War  to  the  Agricultural  De- 
partment was  a  wise  achievement  of  this  Administration. 
It  has  been  followed  by  the  multiplying  of  the  number  of 
voluntary  observers,  and  by  the  extension  of  the  State 
weather  service.  The  reports  of  the  Agricultural  De- 
partment under  Secretary  Rusk  are  much  more 
intelligible  than  any  previously  issued.  The  new  series 
of  publications  called  "  Farmer's  Bulletins"  are  of  great 
value  to  the  practical  farmer.  The  investigation  of  the 
arid  regions  with  reference  to  their  irrigation  by  a  system 
of  artesian  wells  has  been  carried  forward  with  success 
by  this  Administration.  Zeal,  system  and  intelligence 
mark  the  efforts  of  Secretary  Rusk's  department.  The 
farmers  of  the  United  States  will  not  tolerate  any  change 
of  policy  by  another  party. 


91 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  RECORD. 


d. 


h 


A   Party   Which   Has    Neither  Re- 
formed,  Nor  Economized, 
Nor  Legislated. 


NOTHING  DONE  EVEN  UNDER  GAG 
RULE. 


Work  of  the  Two  Houses. 


Among  the  closing  scenes  of  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty- 
second  Congress  there  was  a  bit  of  low  comedy.  There 
was  a  riotous  attempt  to  wring  from  Mr.  Watson,  a  Georgia 
Democrat  converted  to  the  Alliance  Party,  a  retraction  of 
an  intemperate  attack  upon  his  associates.  The  single 
reckless  passage  to  which  objection  was  angrily  offered 
might  readily  have  been  condoned  in  view  of  the  trans- 
cendent merits  of  the  epitaph '^which  he  had  written  on 
the  expiring  session.  Never  was  there  more  truth  con 
densed  into  sixty  words  than  in  this  epigrammatic  ac- 
count of  the  most  incapable  and  pretentious  House  which 
ever  assembled  in  Washington  : 

**  Pledged  to  reform,  they  have  not  re- 
formed. Pledged  to  economy,  tbey  have  not 
economized.  Pledged  to  legislate,  they  have 
not  legislated.  Extravagance  has  heen  the 
order  of  the  day.  Absenteeism  was  never  so 
pronounced.  I^ack  of  purpose  \vas  never  so 
clear.  Lack  of  common  business  prudence 
never  more  glaring.  Useless  employees  crowd 
every  corridor.  Useless  expenditures  pervade 
every  department." 

Democratic  Promises. 

Never'was  there  a  House  so  preoccupied  with  a  sense 
of  its  own  virtues,  or  so  possessed  with  a  frenzy  for  re- 
form, for  retrenchment  and  for  legislation.  Its  mission 
was  to  redeem  an  oppressed  country  from  the  tyranny  of 
a  Republican  Czar,  the  rapacity  of  military  satraps  and 
the  intrigue  and  chicanery  of  a  Little  Napoleon!  Old 
things  had  passed  away.  A  new  order  of  political  regen- 
eration had  come,  and  everything  was  to  be  changed. 
The  rights  of  minorities  were  to  be  respected,  the  privi- 
lege of  debate  was  to  be  jealously  guarded  as  the  strong- 
hold of  civil  liberty,  legislation  was  to  be  conducted  with 
deliberation  and  decency,  appropriations  were  to  be  sci- 
entifically reduced,  so  as  to  meet  the  bare  necessities  of 
economical  administration,  and  the  sacred  cause  of  Tariff 
Reform  was  to  be  advocated  with  ceaseless  patience  and 
the  fervor  of  fanaticism.  Out  of  revolution  the  Demo- 
cratic House  had  sprung.  Reform  was  the  breath  of  itf- 
life.  The  Tariff  must  first  be  destroyed,  and  then  al' 
things  would  be  fulfilled  I 

92 


The  Reality. 

Such  were  the  vaticinations  of  the  priests  of  Tariff  Re- 
form and  the  prophets  of  Retrenchment  when  "  the  crus- 
ade against  Republican  misrule "  was  begun;  Seven 
months  passed  and  the  host  of  howliii?^  dervishes 
was  ill  full  retreat,  sullen,  cleiiioralizecl  and 
faction-rent.  Every  policy  to  which  it  had  been  sol- 
emnly pledged  had  been  either  renounced  or  evaded.  Of 
legislation  there  had  been  little  ;  of  economy  none  at  all ; 
and  its  achievements  in  reform  were  as  disordered  as 
Ophelia's  dreams.  The  leadership  had  been  in  commis- 
sion. There  had  been  discordant  partisanship  without 
unity  of  direction  or -discipline  in  the  ranks.  The  last 
days  of  the  session  witnessed  a  series  of  lilibuster- 
ing  raids  headed  by  the  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Appropriations  in  a  House 
where  two-thirds  of  the  members  were  dem- 
ocrats. From  beginning  to  end  there  was  a  remarkable 
contrast  between  the  well-ordered,  industrious  and  united 
Republican  House  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress  and  the  riot- 
ous, incompetent  and  faction-torn  Democratic  House  of 
the  Fifty-second  Congress. 

How  A  Republican  House  Woeked. 

The  Republican  House  had  enacted  legislation  with  the 
precision  of  a  well-oiled  registering  machine.  The  Cus- 
toms Administrative  Act  had  been  a  radical  reform 
measure,  the  passage  of  which  had  been  attended  with 
extraordinary  difficulty.  The  complex  system  of  tariff 
and  internal  revenue  law  had  been  subjected  to  critical 
examination  and  thorough  revision.  A  comprehensive 
Pension  Act  was  passed  for  the  relief  of  disabled  veterans 
and  their  families.  The  largest  gambling  business  in  the 
world  was  suppressed  by  the  Anti-Lottery  Act.  There 
was  a  World's  Fair  Bill,  with  an  Army  Promotion  Bill, 
an  Anti-Trust  Law,  a  Meat  Inspection  Act,  a  Copy- 
right Law,  a  Reapportionment  Act,  and  an  Ocean 
Mail  Subsidy  Measure.  A  compromise  Siver  Coinage 
Bill  was  enacted  after  protracted  debates  in  both  Houses, 
and  another  measure  to  refund  the  Direct  Tax.  An  inter- 
mediate Court  of  Appeals  was  established,  a  Land  Grant 
Forfeiture  Act  was  passed,  the  Foreign  Contract  Law 
was  amended,  the  Eight  Hour  Bill  was  enacted,  two  new 
States  were  admitted  into  the  Union,  and  the  maritime 
laws  were  revised  in  accordance  with  the  recommenda- 
tions of  the  International  Conference.  This  magnificent 
record  of  legislative  activity  was  made  by  a  House 
wherein  the  balance  of  power  lay  in  the  hands  of  a  dozen 
members. 

How  a  Democratic  House  Has  Not  Worked. 

The  Democratic  House,  with  a  majority  so  overwhelm- 
ing that  it  could  always  supply  a  quorum  from  its  own 
side,  did  not  enact  a  single  measure  of  magni- 
tude. The  Chinese  Exclusion  law,  an  act  granting 
American  registr}^  to  the  In  man  steamers,  a  bill  authoriz- 
ing retaliation  against  Canada,  the  appropriation  of 
$2,500,000  for  the  World's  Fair  and  a  series  of  pension 

93 


bills  were  the  meagre  fruits  of  a  long  and  unprofitable 
session.  Never  in  American  history  was  there  so  gross 
an  exhibition  of  legislative  incompetence  as  was  displayed 
by  this  J)emocratic  House.  If  the  leaders  had  any  seri- 
ous purpose,  it  was  that  of  making  a  record  which  would 
be  considered  conservative  and  safe  by  the  mass  of  the 
electors.  But  they  lacked  even  tlie  intelligence  required 
for  producing  a  plausible  party  programme. 


Taeiff  Pop  Guns. 

The  leaders  sought  to  make  themselves  useful  to  the 
"  Tariff  Reform  "  cause ;  but  they  did  not  know  how  to  do 
it.  The  Democratic  House,  with  its  overwhelming  ma- 
jority, did  not  lack  power.  If  it  had  repealed  the  Mc- 
Kinley  Act  and  enacted  in  its  place  the  Mills  bill  revised 
on  broad  lines,  it  would  have  fulfilled  its  principal  pledge 
to  the  country.  In  that  way  it  would  have  presented  a 
clear  and  intelligible  issue  in  the  elections  of  this  year. 
Both  courage  and  capacity  were  lacking.  What  was 
flaunted  East  and  West  as  the  "  High  Tariff  Waterloo" 
had  been  fought;  but  no  sooner  was  the  "Low  Tariff 
victory  "  won  than  something  like  a  retreat  was  sounded 
with  the  random  firing  of  pop-gun  artillery.  The  Demo- 
cratic House,  after  a  fierce  struggle  over  the  leadership, 
revealed  its  inabilty  to  deal  with  trie  Tariff  Question  as  a 
whole  in  an  intelligent,  coherent  manner.  Tariff  hole- 
punching  became  the  recreation  of  small  minds. 

A  Silly  Political  Game. 

Nothing  could  have  been  more  puerile  or  insincere  than 
the  tariff  policy  of  the  Democratic  majority.  A  Republi- 
^n  Congress  had  done  its  work  thoroughly  and  scientific- 
ally. Not  only  had  a  great  impulse  been  imparted  to  the 
industries  of  the  nation,  but  the  surplus  revenues  of  the 
Government  had  also  been  reduced  so  heavily  that  a  deficit 
in  income  was  not  impossible,  though  highly  improbable. 
The  Democratic  leaders  recklessly  declared  that  the  nation 
was  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy,  and  that  the  Secretary  of 
tiie  Treasury  was  deceiving  the  public  with  misleading 
statements;  yet,  even  while  they  were  gloating 
over  the  prospect  of  exhaustion  of  revenues, 
they  proposed  revenue  legislation  which, 
according  to  their  own  calculations,  would 
deprive  the  Government  of  $50,000,000  or 
$00,000,000  a  year.  A  free  wool  and  woolen  bill 
was  passed,  and  was  followed  by  another  repeal  bill 
placing  cotton  ties,  gins  and  bagging  on  the  free  list ;  and 
a  third,  repealing  the  duties  on  binding  twine.  Subse- 
quently, bills  reducing  the  duties  on  tin-plate  and  lead 
ores  were  forced  through  the  House  under  pressure  of 
gag  rule.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  childish  than 
the  passage  of  a  few  illogical  and  unconnected  repeal  bills 
when  there  were  no  surplus  revenues  to  be  reduced,  as 
there  had  been  before  the  McKinley  Bill  was  passed.  The 
D<'mocracy  was  playing  a  silly  little  political  game  at  a 
time  when  it  ought  to  have  been  at  work  upon  a  large 
measure  of  tariff  revision  as  an  alternative  policy  for  the 
McKinley  Act. 

94 


Gag  Rule  Adopted. 

Barren  as  were  the  results  of  Democratic  legislation, 
even  the  little  that  was  done  Jjad  to  be  carried  through 
tlie  House  under  high  pressure.  "  The  tyranny  of  the 
Czar"  was  so  good  a  phrase  that  the  leaders  were  reluc- 
tant to  take  the  edge  from  it  by  adopting  the  rules  of  the 
Republican  House,  by  which  partisan  obstruction  had 
been  paralyzed,  and  even  a  small  majority  had  been  en- 
abled to  dispatch  public  business.  The  Democratic  ma- 
jority was  so  large  that  it  thought  it  could  afford  to  allow 
the  minority  old-time  privileges.  The  leaders  affected 
great  regard  for  minority  rights  and  freedom  of  debate, 
and  ostentatiously  declined  to  follow  "the  evil  prece- 
dents" of  Speaker  Reed's  management  of  the  House. 
Long  before  the  session  ended,  the  new  rules  were  gener- 
ally admitted  to  be  a  failure.  The  debates  were  more  dis- 
orderly, and  the  blocks  in  business  more  frequent  than 
ever  before.  Time  has  been  wasted  on  roll-calls  and 
trivial  discussion.  In  place  of  freedom  of  debate  there  has 
been  unlicensed  filibustering  and  obstruction,  all  carried 
on  by  Democrats  themselves  against  Democratic  meas- 
ures, and  all  the  measures  of  a^iy  importance  have  been 
railroaded  through  the  House  under  suspension  of  the 
rules  and  by  sheer  strength  of  numbers.  Even  while  they 
were  still  mouthing  phrases  about  ' '  the  ukases  of  the 
Czar  from  Maine"  and  "the  tyranny  of  gag  law,"  they 
were  themselves  registering  the  arbitrary  decrees  of  the 
Committee  on  Rules,  having  recourse  to  unscrupulous 
suppression  of  debate  and,  enacting  measures  with  pre- 
cipitate haste  and  utterly  without  deliberation. 


Examples  of  Gag  Law. 

The  Legislative,  Executive  and  Judicial  Appropriation 
Bill,  covering  thousands  of  items,  containing  150,000 
words  and  carrying?  $22,000,000,  was  carried 
with    lifteeii    niiiiutes'  debate  on  each  side. 

Bills  for  the  admission  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  were 
passed  with  only  half  an  hour  of  debate  allowed  for  each. 
On  the  same  day  the  Anti-Option  bill  was  hustled  through 
the  House  with  fifteen  minutes  for  discussion  on  each  side. 
This  was  a  measure  which  might  disorganize  the  com- 
merce of  the  world,  yet  it  was  driven  through  the  House 
virtually  without  debate,  although  a  prominent  leader  on 
the  Democratic  side  found  time  to  denounce  it  as  un- 
constitutional. The  second  series  of  tariff-repeal  bills 
were  railroaded  through  the  House  without  discussion. 
Rules  which  had  received  the  approval  of  tlie  collective 
wisdom  ot  a  Democratic  caucus  were  practically  sus- 
pended before  the  close  of  the  session.  The  Democratic 
majority  were  bound  hand  and  foot  by  their  own  regula- 
tions and  unable  to  transact  business.  Even  when  a  vote 
liad  been  obtained  upon  the  appropriation  for  the  World's 
Fair,  it  was  possible  for  Mr.  Holman  to  lead  an  insurrec- 
tion against  the  majority,  and,  after  blocking  business  for 
two  weeks,  to  dictate  a  compromise  to  a  Democratic 
caucus.  Even  then  it  was  necessary  to  imitate  closely  the 
procedure  of  the  last  Republican  House  in  order  to  extri- 
cate the  majority  from  their  embarrassments. 

95 


Rules  of  the  Two  Houses. 

Tin  tier  Speaker  Reed's  rules  legislative  paralysis  had 
been  removed,  business  was  transacted  in  an  order!  v  way 
and  tlie  House  had  full  control  over  its  time.  Under 
Democratic  organization  faction  ran  riot,  deliberate 
legislation  was  impracticable,  gag  law  regulated  debate, 
and  business  could  only  be  transacted  by  the  suspension 
of  all  rules  passed  for  the  protection  of  the  minority. 

Repudiation  of  Pledges. 

The  record  of  the  last  Republican  Congress  involved 
conscientious  fultillment  of  pledges  made  to  the  people 
when  President  Harrison  was  elected.  On  the  tariff, 
silver,  pensions,  shipping  and  other  great  questions  of  the 
day  the  Kepublicaii  party,  through  its  Kep- 
resentatives  at  Washington,  kept  faith  with 
tlie  country.  There  was  no  repudiation  of  pledges  on 
that  side.  On  the  Democratic  side  there  has  not  been  a 
pledge  that  has  been  respected  and  fulfilled.  A  revis- 
ion of  the  tariff  was  promised,  and  nothing  has  been 
accomplished  beyond  the  firing  of  a  series  of  pop-gun 
salutes  in  honor  of  "Tariff"  Reform."  Another  measure 
to  which  the  Democratic  majority  was  pledged  was  a  Free 
Coinage  bill.  Twice,  within  a  period  of  four  months,  this 
pledge  was  violated  out  of  deference  for  the  timorous 
representatives  of  the  party  from  the  Eastern  States. 
Retrenchment  of  the  cost  of  National  Administration  w^as 
another  Democratic  promise,  and  it  has  been  re- 
<leeniecl  by  the  increase  of  appropriations  far 
beyond  tlie  level  of  the  so-called  "Billion 
l>ollar  Conifress."  Reciprocity  was  to  be  renounced,- 
the  sugar  bounties  were  to  be  cut  off,  the  Ocean  Mail  bill 
was  to  be  repealed,  and  many  other  characteristic  Repub- 
lican policies  were  to  be  overthrown.  The  Democratic 
^arty  was  pledged  to  do  all  these  things,  but  nothing  has 
jeen  done.  Every  promise  has  gone  to  ])rotest. 
There  has  been  a  little  desultory  bushwhacking  against 
the  Tariff,  and  there  has  been  a  wild  revel  of  Democratic 
extravagance  in  appropriations.  Of  legislalion  of  any 
kind,  destructive  or  constructive,  there  has  been  a  bottom- 
less deficiency.  Of  reckless  financial  grants  there  has 
been  an  overrunning  surplus. 


Rebel  Wae  Claims. 

The  payment  of  Confederate  war  claims  is  already  loom- 
ing up  as  one  of  the  ulterior  aims  of  Democratic  policy. 
While  the  House  has  only  acted  on  a  few  of  these  cases, 
what  it  has  done  is  an  earnest  of  what  it  will  do  in  the 
future.  By  releasing  the  Sibley  case  from  the 
statute  of  limitations  it  has  allowed  the  heirs 
of  an  officer  who  deserted  the  United  States 
Army  in  order  to  join  the  Confederates  to  col- 
lect a  royalty  on  tents  used  in  the  war  wherein 
he  was  enlisted.  There  is  a  precedent  in  that  case 
which  shows  the  trend  of  Democratic  tendency.  The 
Committee  on  War  Claims  have  re]>orted  favorably 
upon  more  than  $70,000,000  of  similar 
claims  for  damages  by  destruction  of  property  in  the 

96 


war.  In  addition  to  this  new  budget  there  arc  cases  al- 
ready before  the  Court  of  Claims  aggregating  $400,000,000 
at  the  lowest,  and  $600,000,000  at  the  highest,  estimate. 
The  sympathy  shown  for  these  cases  by  a  party  which 
has  antagonized  the  Pension  policy  of  the  last  Republican 
Congress  has  drawn  from  Ex-Speaker  Reed  this  senten- 
tious comment :  *'If  the  Democracy  have  adopted  what 
one  of  their  own  men  calls  a  pop-gun  system  of  tariff  re- 
form, their  Committee  on  War  Claims  have  started  a  Gat- 
ling-gun  system  of  war  claims." 


A  Party  of  Repudiation. 

The  record  of  the  Democratic  House  proves  that  every 
one  of  the  leading  issues  of  the  party  has  been  either  re- 
pudiated outright  or  temporarily  abandoned.  Every 
promise  made  in  1890  has  been  broken.  The  revision  of 
the  Tariff,  the  passage  of  a  Free  Silver  Act,  the  reduction 
of  the  expenditures  of  the  Government,  the  repudiation  of 
the  Reciprocity  policy  and  the  repeal  of  the  Bounty  and 
Subsidy  acts  have  been  deferred  for  a  more  convenient  sea- 
son when  a  Presidential  election  is  not  pending.  Never 
has  there  been  a  more  discreditable  record 
of  violated  pledges  in  American  public  life. 
The  causes  of  failure  are  various — such  as  factional  divis- 
ions in  the  party,  incapacity  of  leaders  to  deal  with  large 
questions,  a  lack  of  civic  courage  in  making  a  resolute 
stand  for  party  principles,  and  the  clash  of  rivalry  in  the 
ambitions  of  leaders  who  were  afraid  to  trust  the  people 
and  fancied  that  they  could  deceive  them  with  shuffling 
evasions. 

Inaction,  but  No  Change  of  Heaet. 

But  while  pledges  have  been  repudiated,  and  the  course 
of  legislative  activity  opened  by  the  courage  of  the  last 
Republican  House  has  been  interrupted,  the  attitude  of 
the  Democratic  party  towards  the  great  questions  of  the 
day  has  not  been  changed.  Inaction  and  legislative  torpor 
are  not  proofs  of  a  change  of  heart.  The  McKinley  Act 
has  not  been  repealed,  but  the  Democratic  party  is  ar- 
rayed in  deadly  hostility  to  the  American  policy  of  Pro- 
tection. Its  misshapen,  inoperative  tariff  bills  do  n6t  in- 
dicate abandonment  of  the  English  low-tariff  theory.  The 
party  is  merely  waiting  until  it  can  destroy  the  protective 
system  by  the  passage  of  such  a  measure  as  the  Mills  bill. 
Evasions  of  the  silver  question  do  not  signify  conversion 
to  sound  views  of  finance.  The  opposition  to  Republican 
policies  of  Reciprocity,  bounties  for  sugar  producers,  and 
subsidies  for  ocean  mail  service,  has  been  temporarily  re- 
laxed, but  the  hostility  of  the  Democratic  party  to  every 
one  of  these  measures  remains  implacable  and  irreconcila- 
ble. The  Democracy  has  a  fatal  facility  for 
getting"  on  the  foreign  side  of  every  great  pub- 
lic question.  The  policies  which  it  represents  are 
those  which  Europeans  are  anxious  to  have  Americans 
adopt.  To  these  policies  it  clings  with  that  Bourbon 
fixedness  of  purpose  which  neither  learns  nor  forgets 
anything. 


97 


The  Republican  Recokd. 

Tlie  last  Republican  Congress  stood  exclusively  for 
American  policies  and  interests.  A  united  party  under 
the  inspiring  leadership  of  Speaker  lieed  and  Major 
McKiuley  labored  with  unceasing  fidelity  and  high-minded 
patriotism  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  nation.  When 
its  authority  to  govern  the  country  was  challenged  by 
Democratic  obstructionists  in  the  House,  it  vindicated  the 
American  principle  of  majority  rule.  Democratic  con- 
spirators had  proclaimed  their  deliberate  intention  of  pre- 
venting any  and  all  legislation  in  the  line  of  Republican 
policies.  They  had  been  sent  to  Washington  to  transact 
the  business  of  the  country,  and  sitting  silent  in  their 
seats  when  the  roll  was  called  they  attempted  to  thwart 
the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  American  people  and  to 
paralyze  legislation.  The  conspiracy  was  suppressed  with 
the  same  courage  with  which  rebellion  had  been  crushed 
in  an  earlier  generation,  but  by  wholly  constitutional 
means.  Speaker  Reed  by  his  famous  ruling  counted 
them  when  they  were  present  and  restored  the  functions 
of  the  House  as  a  working  body.  That  was  the  "  crime  " 
for  which  he  was  denounced  on  every  Democratic  plat- 
form. It  was  the  enforceinent  oftlie  supreme 
principle  of  majority  rule. 

WOEKING  FOR  NATIONAL  POLICIES. 

The  sun  shone  and  Republican  legislators  worked. 
They  had  made  their  pledges  to  the  American  people  and 
every  one  of  them  was  honored.  If  they  failed  to  estab- 
lish honest  elections  throughout  the  Union,  it  was  through 
no  fault  of  their  own,  but  solely  because  the  forces  of  ob- 
struction in  the  Senate  were  too  well  organized  to  permit 
the  passage  of  a  just  and  righteous  law  in  a  session  of 
extraordinary  legislative  activity.  Their  record  on  the 
Tariff  question  disproved  the  charge  of  sectionalism,  for 
they  had  labored  with  patriotic  ardor  to  promote  the  in- 
dustrial prosperity  of  all  the  States,  South  as  well  as 
North.  Republican  policy  in  the  Fifty-first  Congress  was 
iu  the  most  comprehensive  sense  national.  As  a  record  of 
legislative  activity  and  broad-minded  statesmanship  it  is  un- 
exampled in  American  history.  Opposed  to  it  is  the  record 
of  the  Democratic  House  of  the  Fifty-second  Congress — 
the  imbecile  and  scandalous  record  of  a  party  which  could 
neither  reform,  nor  economize  nor  legislate,  nor  even  suc- 
ceed in  transacting  business  with  a  two-thirds  majority 
without  gag-rule  and  riotous  tumult. 


98 


AGAINST  THE  WORLD'S  FAIR. 


Unblushing  Repudiation  of  Pledges 
Made  .at  the  Chicago  Convention. 


REPUBLICANS  MEAN  1\  HAT  THEY  SAY, 
BUT  DEMOCRATS  DO  NOT. 


Both  political  parties  in  their  national  Platforms  took 
high  ground  in  favor  of  the  Columbian  Exposition.  One 
party  meant  what  it  said  and  the  other  did  not.  The  Re- 
publican Party  described  it  with  simplicity  as  a  great 
national  undertaking,  and  declared  that  "  Congress  should 
promptly  enact  such  reasonable  legislation  in  aid  thereof 
as  will  insure  the  discharging  of  the  expense  and  obliga- 
tions incident  thereto  and  the  attainment  of  results  com- 
mensurate with  the  dignity  and  progress  of  the  nation." 
That  was  the  party  pledge,  and  it  was  carried  out  in  good 
faith  within  two  months  at  Washington  by  Republican 
Senators  and  Representatives.  The  Democratic  platform 
was  equally  emphatic  in  its  approval  of  the  enterprise. 
"Recognizing,"  it  declared  in  high-sounding  phrase, 
"that  ^he  World's  Columbian  Exposition  is  a  national 
undertaking  of  vast  importance  in  which  the  General 
Government  has  invited  the  co-operation  of  all  the  Powers 
of  the  World,  and  appreciating  the  acceptance  of  such 
Powers  of  the  invitation  extended  and  the  broadest  liberal 
efforts  being  made  by  them  to  contribute  to  the  grandeur 
of  the  undertaking,  we  are  of  the  opinion  that  Congress 
should  make  such  necessary  financial  provision  as  shall  be 
requisite  to  tlie  maintenance  of  the  national  honor  and 
public  faith."  That,  too,  was  a  party  pledge,  but  it  was 
promptly  repudiated  by  the  Democratic  House. 

Five  Millions  Needed. 

The  World's  Fair  was  organized  under  an  Act  of  Con- 
gress passed  on  April  25,  1890.  After  the  question  of  the 
site  was  settled,  there  was  no  occasion  for  local,  sectional 
or  political  prejudice  against  it.  Public  opinion  was  be- 
hind it.  Every  consideration  of  business  enterprise,  civic 
pride,  hospitality  to  the  invited  guests  of  the  Nation  and 
enlightened  self-interest  required  that  the  Fair  should  be 
\yorthy  of  the  resources  and  fame  of  the  American  people. 
Chicago  had  agreed  to  raise  $10,000,000  for  the  enterprise. 
This  was  done,  and  the  work  was  entered  upon  with  a 
strong,  intelligent,  artistic  purpose.  A  series  of  buildings 
was  planned  that  would  be  grander,  more  costly  and  more 
appropriate  than  those  erected  for  any  previous  World's 
Fair.  The  scheme  increased  in  magnitude  until  it  em- 
braced an  inclosure  at  Chicago  equal  in  area  to  that  of  the 

99 


Paris  and  Philadelphia  Expositions  combined.  Tliere 
were  no  scandals  connected  with  the  Fair,  and  the  re- 
sults were  satisfactory  from  every  point  of  view ;  but  it 
was  found  to  be  necessary  to  expend  more  money  upon 
the  buildings  and  grounds  than  had  been  originally  in- 
tended. Accordingly,  an  appeal  for  a  contribution  of 
,$5,000,000  was  made  to  Congress,  which  had  authorized 
an  appropriation  of  only  $1,500,000  for  a  Government  ex- 
hibit. 

Action  Upon  the  Message. 

The  appeal  was  submitted  to  Congress  by  President 
Harrison  with  the  recommendation  that  just  and  reason- 
able support  should  not  be  withheld  from  an  enterprise 
to  which  the  honor  of  the  nation  was  committed.  ''Lib- 
erality on  the  part  of  the  United  States,"  he  said,  "  is  due' 
to  the  foreign  nations  that  have  responded  in  a  friendly 
way  to  the  invitation  of  this  Government  to  participate  in 
the  Exposition,  and  will,  I  am  sure,  meet  the  approval  of 
our  people.  The  Exposition  will  be  one  of  the  most  illus- 
trious incidents  in  our  civic  history."  While  this  mes- 
sage was  sent  to  Congress  as  early  as  February  24,  1892, 
action  upon  it  was  deferred  in  the  House,  although  a  bill 
appropriating  $5,000,000  in  the  form  of  souvenirs  made 
from  abraded  coins  in  the  Treasury  was  placed  on  the 
calendar,  where  it  would  not  have  been  reached  during 
the  session.  The  Senate  under  Republican  leadership, 
and  in  the  face  of  Democratic  protests  from  the  House, 
incorporated  the  principle  of  this  bill  witlf  other  provisions 
in  a  series  of  amendments  to  the  Sundry  Civil  Appropria- 
tion bill,  thereby  securing  action  upon  it  by  the  House. 
The  amendments  when  they  reached  the  House  receivc'd 
the  unanimous  support  of  the  Republican  minority,  but 
excited  a  storm  of  Democratic  resentment  and  fury. 

Democratic  Insincerity  Unmasked.. 

The  speeches  and  votes  of  the  Democratic  majority 
during  the  protracted  struggle  were  an  illuminating  com- 
mentary upon  the  sincerity  of  the  party  which  had  de- 
clared at  Chicago  that  "Congress  should  make  such 
necessary  financial  provision  as  shall  be  requisite  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  national  honor  and  public  faith."  A 
powerful  combination  headed  by  Mr.  Holman  made  a  de- 
termined effort  to  defeat  the  appropriation  at  all  hazards. 
Day  after  day  there  were  fierce  assatllts  upon  the  manage- 
ment of  the  enterprise.  One  Democrat  after  another  as- 
serted that  it  was  unconstitutional  and  bad  policy,  even 
if  the  Treasury  were  overflowing  with  surplus  revenues, 
"to  collect  money  from  the  people  by  taxation  and  then 
lend  it  to  either  a  corporation  or  an  individual.  Even 
when  there  was  perfunctory  praise  of  Chicago  and  meas- 
ured commendation  of  the  World's  Fair,  these  economists 
and  constitutional  quibblers  sought  by  their  arguments, 
as  one  of  the  Republican  champions  of  the  amendments 
declared,  to  assassinate  the  national  character  of  the  en- 
terprise and  1o  reduce  it  to  a  local  and  municipal  affair. 
"Looting  of  the  Treasury,"  "public  robbery"  and 
"  stock-jobbing  operation  "  were  the  favorite  phrases  on 
the  Democratic  side.    The  proposed  appropriation  was 

100 


as  a  Western  speculation  supported  by  a 
venal  lobby  at  Washington  recruited  from  Government 
officials  and  "  the  heel-taps  of  former  Houses."  No  lan- 
guage appeared  to  be  too  coarse  or  too  violent  for  use  on 
the  Democratic  side. 

CoAESB  Abuse  of  the  Fair. 

**  How  are  the  Democratic  representatives,"  asked  Mr. 
Bland,  "to  go  before  their  constituents  as  the  agents 
and  abettors  of  a  job  and  a  steal,  for  that  is  all  it  is?  " 
"  In  reality,"  Mr.  Little  declared,  "  you  are  now  asked  to 
vote  five  millions  of  the  people's  money  in  order  to  afford 
collateral  security  to  the  people  of  Chicago  for  two  or 
three  millions  of  dollars."  Mr.  Sayers  denounced  it  as 
**oneof  the  most  audacious  pieces  of  legislation"  ever 
attempted  in  the  House.  Mr.  Gates  sneered  at  Govern- 
ment partnership  "  in  the  show  business."  Mr.  Butler, 
of  Iowa,  characterized  the  scheme  as  "  conceived  in 
dishonesty  and  impregnated  with  fraud."  Mr.  Cummings 
compared  the  lobbyists  to  swarms  of  grasshoppers  that 
stop  the  wheels  of  railroad  trains  on  the  prairies.  *'  They 
are  here,"  he  asserted,  "  in  the  shape  of  World's  Fair 
officials,  drawing  sustenance  from  the  public  Treasury, 
and  they  are  here  in  the  shape  of  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren from  Chicago,  all  trying  to  loot  the  Treasury." 
Mr.  Otis,  of  the  Farmers'  Alliance,  considered  it  to  be 
"  one  of  the  most  gigantic  swindles  ever  perpetrated 
upon  Congress."  Mr.  Bailey  opposed  the  appropriation 
as  "  legislative  burglary,"  and  when  a  compromise  was 
eJffected  described  his  Democratic  colleagues  as  bound 
hand  and  fool  and  delivered  "  to  the  merciless  greed  of  a 
private  corporation,"  despoiling  the  public  Treasury. 

Struggling  Against  the  Fair. 

With  insults  and  affronts,  such  as  these  the  Democratic 
majority  persevered  in  its  warfare  upon  the  World's  Fair, 
until  the  wheels  of  Government  were  on  the  point  of  stop- 
ping. When  the  five-million  cjiuse  was  first  presented 
to  the  House,  it  was  defeated  by  a  majority  of  13,  every 
Republican  voting  for  it.  When  it  was  returned  to  the 
House  from  a  conference  committee,  it  was  carried  by  a 
vote  of  117  to  105.  Out  of  235  Democrats,  only  63  voted 
for  it ;  but,  with  54  Republican  members,  a  majority  was 
secured.  Although  vanquished,  the  opponents  of  the 
World's  Fair  would  not  yield.  After  moving  to  recon- 
sider the  vote,  they  followed  Mr.  Holman  into  a  fortnight's 
filibustering  campaign,  at  the  end  of  which  a  Democratic 
caucus  was  called,  and  a  compromise  was  arranged  by 
which  the  Senate  amendments  to  the  Appropriation  Act 
were  dropped,  and  the  original  House  bill,  with  the 
$5,000,000  cut  down  to  $2,500,000,  was  substituted  for 
them.  The  extraordinary  spectacle  was  thus  witnessed 
of  a  surrender  of  the  majority  of  the  House,  who  had  voted 
for  the  Senate  amendments,  to  the  minority  who  had  de- 
fied their  authority.  The  attitude  of  the  Republican 
members  throughout  these  proceedings  was  uncompro- 
mising. Not  one  speech  was  made  nor  one  vote  given  on 
that  side  against  the  great  National  enterprise.  It  was, 
through  the  action  of  the  Republican  Senate,  forced  upon 

101 


\ 


\ 


the  attention  of  the  House,  and  it  was  through  the  un- 
wavering support  of  the  Republican  minority  that  even 
the  reduced  appropriation  was  carried  through  Congress. 

Enemies  of  the  Faik. 

The  filibustering  operations  were  brought  to  an  end,  not 
because  the  Democratic  majority  relaxed  their  opposition 
to  the  World's  Fair,  but  because  they  were  forced  to  ex- 
tricate themselves  from  the  embarrassment  of  liaving  practi- 
cally blocked  the  business  of  the  Government  by  hanging  up 
one  of  the  great  appropriation  bills.  The  pretense  of  de- 
votion to  constitutional  principles  did  not  stand  in  the 
way  of  their  compromising  with  their  convictions  at  fifty 
cents  on  the  dollar,  since  they  finally  consented  to  allow 
the  World's  Fair  $2,500,000  of  the  $5,000,000  which  had 
been  asked.  The  scandalous  scenes  in  the  House  virtually 
involved  a  repudiation  of  the  party  pledge  made  a  few 
weeks  before  at  Chicago.  As  actions  speak  louder  than 
words,  the  Democracy  through  its  Representatives  in  the 
Fifty-second  Congress  has  earned  the  righteous  enmity 
of  every  friend  of  the  great  national  enterprise  which  is 
destined  to  be  a  source  of  glory  and  honor  to  the  country, 
to  promote  the  commercial  prosperity  of  the  American 
people,  and  to  elevate  and  advance  the  civilization  of  the 
world. 


Enlightened  Self-interest. 

For  the  present  tlie  world  is  divided  into  separate 
nationalities,  and  that  Divine  command  still  applies ; 
He  that  provideth  not  for  his  own  household  has 
denied  the  faith  and  is  worse  than  an  infidel."  And 
tni  that  era  arrives  described  by  the  gentleman 
from  Virginia,  patriotism  must  supply  the  place  of 
imiversal  brotherhood.  For  the  present  Gortchals:o£f 
can  do  more  good  for  the  world  by  taking  care  of 
Russia.  The  great  Bismarck  can  accomplish  more 
for  his  era  by  being,  as  he  is,  a  German  to  the  core 
and  promoting  the  welfare  of  the  German  Empire. 
Let  Beaconsfield  take  care  of  England  and  Mc- 
Mahon  take  care  of  France,  and  let  Americans  de- 
vote themselves  to  the  welfare  of  America.  When 
each  does  his  part  for  his  own  nation  to  promote 
prosperity,  justice  and  peace,  all  will  have  done 
more  for  the  world  than  if  all  had  attempted  to  be 
cosmopolitans  rather  than  patriots. 

—JAMES  A.  GAKFIELI>. 

103 


OVER  A  BILLION. 


Forty-four    Millions   Added   to   the 

Appropriations  by  Democratic 

"Economy." 

COLLAPSE   OF   A   CAMPAIGN  OF 
DEFAMATION. 


Ketrencliment  a  Costly  Sham. 

The  most  disastrous  failure  of  the  Democracy  has  been 
the  collapse  of  such  reputation  as  it  had  for  retrenchment 
and  economy.  It  was  a  cheap  reputation.  A  party  that 
obstructs  national  progress  and  industrial  policies  and 
raises  a  loud  outcry  against  "paternalism  in  govern- 
ment "  whenever  legislation  of  a  creative  order  is  pro- 
posed, naturally  has  a  bent  for  economy.  From  the  time 
of  Jefferson  it  has  advocated  the  restriction  of  taxation 
"  to  the  necessities  of  the  Government  when  honestly  and 
economically  administered."  In  accordance  with  this 
traditional  policy,  every  Democratic  House  has  made  a 
practice  of  cutting  down  appropriations  for  national  ex- 
penditures, and  of  making  a  specious  show  of  retrench- 
ment even  when  it  has  been  necessary  to  withhold 
supplies  so  as  to  swell  the  deficiencies  another  year.  As 
economy  has  been  its  chief  stock  in  political  trade  for 
many  years,  the  Democracy  can  ill  afford  to  be  convicted 
of  reckless  prodigality  in  national  expenditures.  That  is 
what  has  happened  this  year.  The  Democracy  has  been 
found  out. 

Defamers   Self-Convicted. 

"What  has  rendered  this  exposure  disastrous  has  been 
the  hue  and  cry  raised  two  years  ago  over  the  "Billion  Dol- 
lar Congress."  From  every  Democratic  platform  the  Re- 
publican paity  was  denounced  for  its  wanton  extravagance. 
In  that  campaign  of  defamation  partisan  orators  were 
never  weary  of  enlarging  upon  the  wastefulness  of  Re- 
publican legislation  and  administration.  The  "Billion 
Dollar  Congress  "  was  a  libel  which  matched  the  lies  about 
"  McKinley  prices"  and  the  tyranny  of  "  the  Republican 
Czar."  When  a  Democratic  Congress  was  elected,  the 
country  was  heartily  congratulated  upon  being  released 
from  the  ruinous  financial  speculations  of  "a  spendthrift 
Republican  House."  With  Mr.  Holman  to  hold  the  purse- 
strings  of  the  nation,  it  was  confidently  assumed  on  that 
side  that  the  appropriations  would  be  reduced  to  the  ex- 
tent of  $100,000,000.  That  was  his  own  forecast ;  and 
there  were  half-trained  and  foud-barking  watchdogs  of 
the  Treasury  who  predicted  a  saving  of  $150,000,000  as 
the  result  of  the  election  of  a  Democratic  House.  The 
Presidential  election  was  approaching,  and  there  was  a 
grand  chance  for  making  a  record  for  frugal  administration, 
which  would  favorably  impress  voters.  Then  the  changes 
would  be  rung  once  more  upon  the  "  Billion  Dollar  Con- 


gress,"  and  the  Government  would  be  handed  over  to  the 
party  which  was  pledged  to  conduct  the  Administration 
with  economy  and  frugality  ! 

Which  is  the  Spendthrift? 

This  was  the  Democratic  Plan  of  Campaign,  and  the 
best  results  were  expected  from  it.  Mr.  Holman  had  the 
cordial  co-operation  of  all  his  political  associates  in  his 
great  work  of  knocking  the  millions  out  of  the  National 
Budget.  The  surplus  revenues  had  been  drained  off; 
there  was  no  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  Congress  for 
expenditures  in  any  new  directions ;  and  there  was  ap- 
parently nothing  to  prevent  a  large  shrinkage  in  the  ap- 
propriations. Indeed,  if  calamity  howlers  were  to  be 
believed,  there  was  a  most  urgent  necessity  for  reducing 
expenditures,  since  there  was  a  strong  probability  of  a  de- 
ficiency in  income.  Mr.  Holman  had  everything  in  his 
favor,  but  he  has  failed  to  redeem  the  pledges  of  his 
party.  It  is  a  striking  illustration  of  the  sheer  incapacity 
of  the  Democratic  party  to  succeed  in  anything  which  it 
undertakes.  The  House  continued  to  pile  up  the  appro- 
priations, and  for  a  long  time  nobody  on  the  Democratic 
side  seemed  to  be  keeping  tally  of  them.  Suddenly  there 
was  consternation.  The  appropriations  were  overtopping 
those  of  the  "  Billion  Dollar  Congress."  Desperate  efforts 
were  made  to  lighten  the  ship  so  that  it  would  float  in 
shallower  waterj'but  without  avail.  The  appropriations 
had  become  unmanageable.  Not  even  Mr.  Holman  could 
keep  them  down.  When  the  columns  were  balanced  at 
the  end  of  the  session,  it  was  found  that  the  Democratic 
House  had  exceeded  by  $44,302,869.78  the  limit  of  that 
"wasteful  and  spendthrift"  Republican  House  whose 
enormities  had  been  held  up  for  public  execration  for  two 
years.    The  following  exhibit  explains  itself  : 

The  Billion  Dollar  Houses. 


Title  of  BilL 


Agricultural 

Army 

Diplomatic  and  Consular. 

Distilct  01'  Columbia 

Fortiflcations 

Indian 

Legislative 

Military  Academy 

Navy .' 

Pensions. 

Post-Office 

River  and  Harbor 

Sundry  CivlL 


Total 

Denciencies  .., 
Miscellaneous. 


Democratic 

House, 

First  Session. 


Republican 

House, 
First  Session. 


13,232,995  50 

24,308,499  82 

1,604,045  00 

5,323,414  27 

2,734,276  00 

7,664,047  84 

21,899,252  97 

428,917  33 

23,543,385  00 

154,411,682  00 

80,331,876  73 

21,153,618  00 

27,837,228  93 


$374,473,239  39 
8,211,261  18 
3,153,000  00 


Total  Kegular  Annual  Approprit 
tiong 

Permanent  Annual  Appropriations. . 


Grand  Total  Appropriations. 


$385,837,500  57 
121,863,880  00 


$507,701,380  57 


$1,799,100  00 

24,206,471  79 

1,710,815  00 

5,769,544  15 

4,232,935  00 

7,262,016  02 

21,030,752  75 

435,296  11 

24,136,035  53 

123,779,368  35 

72,226,698  99 

25,136,295  00 

29,738,282  22 


$341,463,610  91 
13,295,541  61 
7,010,905  27 


$361,770,057  79 
101,628,453  00 


$463,398,510  79 


Increase 4|44,303,869  78 


104 


Legislating  foe  Deficiencies. 

In  order  to  complete  this  comparison  several  large 
amounts  must  be  added  to  the  total  appropriations  made 
by  the  Democratic  House  of  the  FifLy-secand  Congress. 
These  are  expenditures  for  which  contracts  are  author- 
ized. Thus  the  contracts  on  account  of  river  and  harbor 
improvements  amounted  to  $31,760,521,  making  the 
actual  aggregate  of  the  River  and  Harbor  Act,  $52,914,- 
139.  Contracts  were  also  authorized  requiring  the  ex- 
penditure of  $640,000  for  materials  for  the  new  building 
for  the  Library  of  Congress.  This  amount  was  not  in- 
cluded in  the  aggregate  of  the  Sundry  Civil  Bill.  The 
construction  of  two  new  war  vessels  was  authorized  with- 
out the  appropriation  of  a  dollar  for  them  on  current  ac- 
count. It  was  the  deliberate  intention  of  the  Democratic 
House  to  conceal  the  real  aggregate  of  expenditures  au- 
thorized and  to  evade  immediate  responsibility  for  its 
prodigality.  Senator  Allison  gave  prompt  warning  that 
unusual  deficiencies  would  have  to  be  provided  for  an- 
other winter  as  the  inevitable  consequence  of  placing  Con- 
gress under  bonds  to  meet  obligations  contracted,  but 
temporarily  evaded  by  "the  prudent  and  economical" 
Holman  and  his  associate  "  reformers."  Recourse  was 
had  to  every  artifice  and  trick  known  to  professional 
economists  in  order  to  obscure  the  record  of  Democratic 
extravagance  and  to  run  up  the  deficiency  account  at  the 
second  session.  Still,  with  all  these  shuffling  evasions, 
the  record  remains  black  enough  to  convict  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  of  canting  hypocrisy  in  its  campaign  of  defa- 
mation against  the  last  Republican  House. 

Political  Incapacity  Revealed. 

With  a  balance  of  $44,302,869.78  against  them  in  this 
comparison  of  the  appropriations  of  the  Fifty-first  and 
Fifty-second  Congress,  the  Democratic  leaders  have  sought 
to  saddle  upon  the  Republican  Senate  the  responsibility 
for  the  increase  of  the  appropriations.  This  cannot  be 
true,  unless  the  House  has  abrogated  its  constitutional 
privilege  of  initiating  financial  legislation  for  current  sup- 
ply. Every  increase  proposed  by  the  Senate  was  neces- 
sary, either  to  prevent  the  piling  up  of  deficiencies  for  the 
second  session  or  else  to  maintain  various  branches  of  the 
public  service  in  operation.  From  the  outset  Mr.  Holman 
and  his  confederates  were  fighting  for  the  last  cause  of 
Democratic  economy  without  being  conscious  that  it  was 
a  hopeless  struggle.  They  were  laboring  against  invinci- 
ble tendencies,  yet  persevered  in  their  folly,  blind  and 
stubborn  to  the  end.  There  had  been  a  vague  notion 
among  "  economists "  of  the  Holman  type  that  the  ex- 
penditures of  the  National  Government  could  be  held  to  a 
fixed  basis  without  reference  to  the  growth  of  the  country 
and  its  increase  in  population.  They  were  ignorant 
and  stupid  legislators  as  well  as  dishonest  partisans.  They 
could  not  perceive  that  government  "on  the  cheap  "  v/as 
impossible  when  the  country  was  increasing  in  power, 
resources  and  population  hand  over  hand. 


105 


The  Republican  Reooed. 

The  last  Republican  Congress,  which  was  mercilessly- 
criticised  for  extravagance  by  Democratic  demagogues, 
had  to  settle  deficiencies  amounting  to  f  50,000, OOOincurred 
under  the  legislation  o^  the  previous  Congress.  When 
these  arrears  were  discharged,  the  highest  debt  of  honor 
the  nation  was  owing  was  generously  paid.  That  was 
the  obligation  of  making  suitable  provision  in  pension 
legislation  for  dependent  veterans  and  their  families.  Other 
increases  in  appropriations  were  ordered  to  meet  the  re- 
quirements of  national  policy,  such  as  harbor  defenses,  the 
new  navy,  internal  improvements  and  the  World's  Fair,  or, 
else,  to  promote  the  efficiency  of  the  public  service,  and, 
especially,  of  the  Post-Office,  Indian  Bureau  and  Census. 
Large  as  the  appropriations  of  the  Republican  Congress 
were,  the  bulk  of  the  increase  was  for  Democratic  defi- 
ciencies and  soldiers'  pensions,  and  the  remainder  was 
naturally  involved  by  the  development  of  the  country. 
By  suspending  the  process  of  debt- paying.  President 
Cleveland  had  artificially  created  his  so-called  surplus  as 
a  pretext  for  breaking  down  the  tariff.  An  overflowing 
Treasury  naturally  involved  increasing  expenditures,.  As 
Mr.  Reed  has  remarked,  "  it  is  the  tendency  of  piled-up 
money  to  scatter,"  Great  national  interests  which  had 
been  neglected  when  there  was  more  urgent  need  of 
economy  were  promoted.  There  was  an  expansion  of 
many  branches  of  the  public  service.  Harbor  improve- 
ments were  undertaken  on  a  large  scale.  Many  greatly 
needed  public  buildings  were  ordered.  All  the  conditions 
were  favorable  for  an  increase  in  the  expenditures  of  a 
great  and  prosperous  country. 

The  Demooeatio  Reooed. 

When  tlie  Fifty-second  Congress  assembled,  the  con- 
ditions had  materially  altered.  A  Republican  Adminis- 
tration had  resumed  the  process  of  debt-paying  which  had 
been  unnecessarily  interrupted  during  President  Cleve- 
land's term.  The  current  revenues  had  been  largely 
reduced  by  the  revision  of  the  Tariff.  Mr.  Holman  was 
brought  face  to  face  with  the  fact  that  the  surplus  had 
disappeared  and  that  the  revenues  only  sufficed  for 
economical  administration  of  the  National  Government. 
He  was  not  compelled  to  resist  any  undue  pressure  for 
the  increase  of  expenditures.  His  party  associates  recog- 
nized the  political  necessity  for  making  a  party  record  for 
economy,  and  lent  their  moral  aid  to  his  ostentatious  cam- 
paign of  retrenchment.  He  had  promised  to  cut  down 
the  Republican  figures  by  at  least  $100,000,000.  They 
were  all  under  pledge  to  support  him  in  a  policy  of 
closely  calculated  economy.  All  the  superficial  conditions 
favored  a  very  large  reduction  of  the  budget ;  but  the 
tendencies  of  a  Billion-Dollar  country  were  as  irresistible 
as  Democratic  appetite  was  insatiable.  The  appropria- 
tions instead  of  being  scaled  down  were  heavily  increased. 
The  Cheap  Johns  of  the  Democratic  House  were  revealed 
in  their  true  character  as  Spendthrift  Financiers. 


106 


True  Inwardness  op  "  Reform." 

Not  only  were  the  appropriations  run  up  far  above  the 
level  of  the  llepublicau  Congress,  but  the  increase  was 
ordered  under  conditions  which  must  inevitably  involve  a 
greatly  enlarged  aggregate  for  the  Fifty-second  Congress 
in  order  to  meet  dehcieucies  and  to  provide  the  means  for 
carrying  out  legislation  which  has  been  postponed  for 
partisan  reasons  until  next  winter.  Senator  Allison  has 
pointed  out  one  instance  in  which  a  large  appropriation 
has  been  cut  down  one-half  with  the  understanding  that 
the  other  half  shall  be  covered  by  the  next  year's  Defi- 
ciency bill.  That  method  of  "  economy  "  is  characteristic 
of  the  Democratic  Party,  and  it  has  been  largely  employed 
in  a  desperate  but  unsuccessful  attempt  to  produce  political 
capital  in  a  Presidential  year.  Moreover,  elaborate  prep- 
arations have  been  made  ^^^  raiding  the  Treasury  when 
the  exigencies  of  a  political  canvass  conducted  on  sham 
issues  of  reform  shall  have  passed.  Large  appropriations 
have  been  favorably  reported  by  committees  and  hung  up 
until  the  second  session,  when  it  will  be  safe  to  act  upon 
them.  More  than  sixty  bills  carrying  appropriations  for 
new  public  buildings  have  been  sidetracked  to  await  the 
passage  of  the  Presidential  election  train.  A  meritorious 
measure  providing  for  the  erection  of  sixty  lighthouses 
and  the  establishment  of  fog-signal  stations  has  been 
shunted  off  the  track  and  held  over  until  another  winter. 
These  are  samples  of  a  "  retrenchment"  policy  which  has 
already  carried  appropriations  $44,302,869.78  beyond  the 
record  of  the  first  session  of  the  "Billion  Dollar  Con- 
gress," and  opened  the  floodgates  for  deferred  legislation 
and  a  cumulative  drift  of  deficiencies  at  the  second  session. 

A  Fraud  Exposed. 

The  Democracy  is  not  a  party  of  retrenchment  and  re- 
form. Its  own  record  of  violated  pledges  condemns  it. 
Its  own  dishonorable  career  of  miscalculated  financial 
mismanagement  quashes  its  indictment  of  the  "Billion 
Dollar  Congress."  Its  own  revels  of  prodigal  extrava- 
gance menace  the  country  with  a  deficiency  oi  income 
another  year.  A  spendthrift  party  masquerading  under 
the  guise  of  thrift  and  carefulness  has  been  found  out. 


107 


THE  TARIFF  QUESTION. 

Neyer  Before  H«as  the  Issue  Been  so 
Sharply  Defined. 


DEMOCRATS  OFFER  FREE  TRADE  PURE 
AND  SIMPLE. 


They  Say  Protection  is  Unconstitutional. 


For  thirty  years  the  Republican  party  has  favored  Pro- 
tection. For  more  than  sixty  years  the  Democratic  party 
has  opposed  every  protective  tariJBf.  by  threats  of  nullifi- 
cation caused  compromise  or  the  gradual  reduction  of 
1832,  and,  when  it  came  into  power,  by  pretending  to  fa- 
vor "  Polk,  Dallas  and  the  tariff  of  '42,"  it  repealed  the 
^riff  of  1842,  substituted  the  horizontal  tariff  of  1846, 
and  has  voted  against  every  protective  tariff  adopted  since 
1860.  The  position  of  the  two  parties  is  not  determined 
alone  by  their  platforms,  and  yet  is  determined  more 
clearly  than  ever  before  by  the  platforms  this  year.  The 
Kepublican  Platform  declares  unequivocally 
for  Protection,  and  for  sufficient  Protection 
to  maintain  the  American  standard  of  wages 
for  labor.  There  is  no  room  to  dispute  about  its  mean- 
ing, unless  the  claim  is  set  up  that  Protection  is  justified 
only  to  the  extent  of  the  ascertained  difference  between 
wages  of  labor  in  a  particular  occupation  at  a  given  time 
in  this  and  in  other  countries.  The  purpose  of  a  protective 
tariff  is  to  afford  sufficient  protection  when  labor  is  es- 
pecially depressed  abroad,  as  well  as  when  it  is  best  paid, 
and  thus  to  prevent  the  prostration  of  industry  here  in 
consequence  of  prostration  in  other  countries. 

The  Republican  Tariff  Plank. 

The  language  of  the  Republican  Platform  is  : 

"  We  reaffirm  the  American  doctrine  of  Protection. 
We  call  attention  to  its  growth  abroad.  We  maintain 
that  the  prosperous  condition  of  our  country  is  largely 
due  to  the  wise  revenue  legislation  of  the  Republican 
Congress. 

"We  believe  that  all  articles  which  cannot  be  produced 
in  the  United  States,  except  luxuries,  should  be  admitted 
free  of  duty,  and  that  on  all  imports  coming  into  compe- 
tition with  the  products  of  American  labor  there  should  be 
levied  duties  equal  to  the  difference  between  wages 
abroad  and  at  home. 

**  We  assert  that  the  prices  of  manufactured  articles  of 
general  consumption  have  been  reduced  under  the  opera- 
tion of  the  Tariff  Act  of  1890. 

♦'  We  denounce  the  efforts  of  the  Democratic  majority 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  destroy  our  tariff  laws 

108 


piecemeal,  as  is  manifested  by  their  attacks  upon  wool, 
lead  and  lead  ores,  the  chief  products  of  a  number  of 
States,  and  we  ask  the  people  for  their  judgment 
thereon." 

The  Rejected  Demockatio  Plank. 

The  Democratic  Platform,  reported  by  the  majority  of 
committee  to  the  National  Convention,  read  as  follows  : 

"  We  reiterate  the  oft-repeated  doctrines  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  that  the  necessity  of  the  Government  is  the  only 
justification,  for  taxation,  and  whenever  a  tax  is  unneces- 
sary it  is  unjustifiable ;  that  when  Custom  House  taxation 
is  levied  upon  articles  of  any  kind  produced  in  this  coun- 
try, the  difference  between  the  cost  of  labor  here  and  labor 
abroad,  when  such  a  difference  exists,  fully  measures  any 
possible  benefits  to  labor,  and  the  enormous  additional 
impositions  of  the  existing  tariff  fall  with  crushing  force 
upon  our  farmers  and  workingmen,  and,  for  the  mere  ad- 
vantage of  the  few  whom  it  enriches,  exact  from  labor  a 
grossly  unjust  share  of  the  expenses  of  the  Government ; 
and  we  demand  such  a  revision  of  the  tariff  laws  as  will 
remove  their  iniquitous  inequalities,  lighten  their  oppres- 
sions, and  put  them  on  a  constitutional  and  equitable 
basis. 

"  But  in  making  reduction  in  taxes  it  is  not  proposed 
to  injure  any  domestic  industries,  but  rather  to  promote 
their  healthy  growth.  From  the  foundation  of  this 
Government  taxes  collected  at  the  Custom  House  have 
been  the  chief  source  of  Federal  revenue.  Such  they 
must  continue  to  be.  Moreover,  many  industries  have 
come  to  rely  upon  legislation  for  successful  continuance, 
80  that  any' change  of  law  must  be  at  every  step  regardful 
of  the  labor  and  capital  thus  involved.  The  process  of 
reform  must  be  subject  in  execution  to  this  plain  dictate 
of  justice." 

This  resolution  was  voted  clown  by  a  majority  of 
564  to  342,  and  a  tariff  for  revenue  only  was  approved  . 
in  form  as  follows  : 

The  Plank  Adopted  at  Chicago. 

"We  denounce  Republican  protection  as  a  fraud — a 
robbery  of  the  great  majority  of  the  American  people  for 
the  benefit  of  the  few.  We  declare  it  to  be  a  fundamental 
principle  of  the  Democratic  party  that  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment has  no  constitutional  power  to  impose  and  collect 
tariff  duties,  except  for  the  purpose  of  revenue  only,  and 
we  demand  that  the  collection  of  such  taxes  shall  be 
limited  to  the  necessities  of  the  Government  when  hon- 
estly and  economically  administered."  '*' 

Cleveland  vs.  Jefferson. 

There  could  not  be  a  more  emphatic  declaration  of 
Democratic  hostility  to  every  degree  or  form  of  protec- 
tion. The  party  denounces  the  protective  policy  as  un- 
constitutional, in  spite  of  the  fact  that  President  Wasliing- 
ton  signed,  and  all  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  advo- 
cated, the  first  protective  tariff"  adopted  in  1789,  which  was 
designed,  as  its  preamble  declared,  "for  the  support  of 

109 


^ 


the  Government,  for  the  discharge  of  the  debts  of  th6 
United  States,  and  the  encouragemeut  and  pro- 
tection of  manufactures." 

Andebw  Jaokson  a  Protectionist. 

Tlie  Democratic  declaration  is  in  contemDtuous  disre- 
gard of  President  Jackson's  statement  in  his  annual  mes- 
sage of  1830,  for  he  said  : 

"  The  power  to  impose  duties  on  imports  originally  be- 
longed to  the  several  States.  *  *  *  This  authority  hav- 
ing thus  entirely  passed  from  the  States,  the  right  to  ex- 
ercise it  for  the  purpose  of  protection  does  not  exist  in 
them ;  and  consequently,  if  it  be  not  possessed  by  the  Gen- 
eneral  Government,  it  must  be  extinct.  Our  political  sys- 
tem would  thus  present  the  anomaly  of  a  people  stripped 
of  the  right  to  foster  their  own  industry  and  to  counteract 
the  most  selfish  and  destructive  policy  which  might  be 
adopted  by  foreign  nations.  This  surely  cannot  be  the 
case.  This  indispensable  power,  thus  surrendered  by  the 
States,  must  be  within  the  scope  of  the  authority  on  the 
subject  expressly  delegated  to  Congress.  In  this  conclu- 
sion I  am  confirmed  as  well  by  the  opinions  of  Presidents 
Washington,  Jefferson,  Madison  and  Monroe,  who  have 
each  separately  recommended  the  exercise  of  this  right 
under  the  Constitution,  as  by  the  uniform  practice  of  Con- 
gress, the  continued  acquiescence  of  the  States,  and  the 
general  understanding  of  the  people." 

This  practice  of  the  Government  has  continued  to  this 
day,  for  no  tariff  has  yet  been  adopted  without  a  protec- 
tive element.  Moreover,  the  I>einocratic  declara- 
tion is  at  war  with  a  recent  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  tiie  United  States. 

A  Fkee  Tkade  Platform. 

It  is  a  declaration  hostile  to  protection  of  every  degree 
and  form.  It  is  not  more  acceptable  to  the  Eastern  Demo- 
crats who  want  free  raw  materials,  but  protective  duties 
on  manufactured  products,  than  to  the  Southern  Demo- 
crats who  want  free  wool  and  woolens,  but  protection  on 
iron  ore  and  pig  iron.  It  is  hostile  to  the  development  of 
industry  everywhere,  and  in  every  branch  of  production 
with  which  foreigners  are  now  able  to  compete.  It  is 
clearly  a  foreign  policy,  and  not  an  American,  which  this 
party  proposes.  It  ought  to  be  supported,  as  it  actually 
is,  by  foreign  statesmen  and  journals,  and  not  by  Ameri- 
cans. 

Thus,  the  mask  is  off.  For  thirty  years  the  Democratic 
party  has  pretended  to  oppose  only  excessive  protection, 
or  unwise  and  improper  forms  of  protection,  and  while 
secretly  bent  upon  British  free  trade  it  has  worn  the 
mask  of  "tariff  reform."  At  last  disguises  are 
thrown  aside.  The  Democratic  platform  demands  a 
tariff  for  revenue  only,  that  is,  a  tariff  which  shall  inci- 
dentally benefit  no  American  industry  if  it  can  be  avoided. 
The  British  tariff  is  framed  on  that  principle,  and  raises 
the  entire  revenue  by  duties  on  articles  not  produced  in 
Great  Britain,  or  of  which  the  production  there  is  subject 
to  excise.  Hence  the  British  rate  of  duties  on  dutiable 
imports  is  much  higher  than  the  rate  of  duties  on  dutiable 

110 


imports  in  this  country;  last  year  the  British  ciifafoms 
revenue  was  £19,948,313,  and  the  dutiable  imports  were  in 
value  only  £30,653,058,  so  that  the  rate  was  65.08  percent. 
_But  the  American  customs  revenue  for  the  past  fiscal 
"^year  was  .$177,883,034,  and  the  dutiable  imports  were  in 
value  $369,400,801,  so  that  the  rate  of  duties  on  dutiable 
imports  was  48.16.  To  sweep  away  the  Amerlcaii 
system  which  encourages  manufactures,  and 
maintains  a  high  rate  of  wages  for  labor,  and 
to  substitute  Britisli  free  trade  whicli  would 
subject  American  labor  to  direct  competition 
with  the  pauper  labor  of  other  countries, 
thus  forcing  down  American  wages,  is  at  last 
the  declared  object  of  the  I>emocratic  party. 

False  Pjkktenses  Abandoned. 

For  years  there  have  been  Democratic  pretenses  that 
duties  should  not  be  reduced  beyond  tlie  rate  necessary 
to  compensate  for  the  difference  between  wages  here  and 
wages  in  other  countries.  The  pretense  was  a  fraud,  for  in 
the  Wood  tariff  of  1878,  and  in  the  Morrison  tariff  of  1886, 
and  the  Mills  tariff  of  1888,  which  were  all  supported 
by  substantially  the  whole  body  of  Democrats  in  Con- 
gress, the  duties  proposed  on  many  articles  w^ere  far  be- 
low the  difference  between  wages  of  labor  here  and  in 
other  countries.  This  year  the  false  pretense  is  abandoned 
as  useless,  and  tariff  for  revenue  only  is  proposed  in  all 
its  nakedness.  For  years  Democrats  have  pretended  in 
some  sections  that  they  only  wanted  such  tariff  reform  as 
would  give  to  manufacturers  free  raw  materials,  and 
therefore,  it  was  claimed,  better  protection.  That  pre- 
tense also  was  a  fraud,  for  the  Democratic  party  well  knew 
that  it  could  not  take  off  duties  from  wool  without  cutting 
off  duties  on  woolens  also;  nor  abolish  duties  on  iron  ore 
and  pig  iron  of  the  Virginias,  Alabama  and  Tennessee 
without  sweeping  away  duties  on  finished  iron  and  steel 
products.  Tills  false  pretense  also  has  failed  in 
every  national  contest,  and  at  last  the  dem- 
ocratic party  choses  to  fight  under  its  true 
colors,  tliose  of  British  free  trade. 

The  question,  therefore,  is  no  longer  whether  this  or 
that  particular  tariff  can  be  improved,  but  whether  pro- 
tection of  every  kind  and  measure  should  be  abolished. 
It  is  no  longer  whether  thore  are  mistakes  of  details, 
which  should  be  corrected,  but  whether  tlie  national 
policy  of  defending  American  industries  should  be  aban- 
doned. With  an  amazing  audacity,  bom  of 
its  power  to  control  the  voting  and  returns 
in  many  States  by  fraud,  the  I>emocratic 
party  noAV  aslis  American  wage  earners  to 
vote  down  tlie  policy  w^hich  has  added  more 
tlian  50  per  cent,  to  tlieir  wages  within  thirty 
years.  Surely  no  party  would  ever  expect  votes  honest- 
ly cast  and  honestly  counted  to  be  in  favor  of  such  a 
policy. 


Ill 


THE  NEW  TARIFF. 


How  It  Was  Contrived  and  What  It 
Has  Accomplished. 


MORE  TRADE,  LOWER  TAXES,  HIGHER 
WAGES. 


New  Industries  Everywhere. 


The  McKinley  tariff  is  the  latest  endeavor  to  apply  pro- 
tective principles  in  practice.  Its  framers  rejoice  at  the 
illustration  it  has  given  to  the  results  of  that  policy. 
Already  its  workings  constitute  the  strongest  argument  in 
favor  of  protection.  It  was  declared  by  Senator  Carlisle, 
when  this  measure  was  pending,  that  under  it  foreign 
commerce  would  decrease,  but  it  has  vastly  increased, 
SO  tliat  imports  during  the  last  fiscal  year 
exceeded  827  millions  against  745  millions 
in  the  last  year  before  its  passage  in  either 
House,  while  in  the  last  year  of  a  I>emo- 
cratic  revenue  tariff  imports  were  less  than 
354  millions.  (See  Table  A.)  It  was  declared 
that  this  taritt'  would  cut  ofi'  exports  of 
American  products  to  other  countries,  but 
exports  during  the  last  fiscal  year  exceeded 
1,080  millions,  against  742  millions  in  1889, 
and  333  millions  in  the  last  year  of  the 
Democratic  revenue  tariff'.  It  was  declared 
that  goods  admitted  free  of  duty  would  be 
less  than  one-half  the  total  imports,  but  in 
the  last  fiscal  year  the  goods  admitted  free 
were  more  than  458  millions,  Avhile  the 
goods  subject  to  duty  were  only  about  369 
millions.  It  was  declared  that  the  rate  of 
duties  on  imports  would  be  OO  per  cent,  or 
more,  but  in  the  last  fiscal  year  the  duties 
collected  were  but  21.5  per  cent,  of  the  im- 
ports, actually  smaller  than  in  any  year  save 
six  in  the  past  fifty  years.  For  the  first  time  in 
the  history  of  the  United  States  more  than  half  of  all  the 
imports  in  value  have  been  admitted  free  of  duty  under 
the  new  tariff,  and  yet  imports  and  exports  have  each  been 
in  value  the  largest  ever  known  in  the  entire  history  of 
the  country. 

Reduction  of  Duties. 

The  first  object  of  this  act  was  to  reduce  taxation, 
because  the  revenue  of  the  Government  had  been  greatly 
in  excess  of  its  needs.  As  a  result,  the  customs  revenue 
was  reduced  about  .f  42.000,000,  while  reductions  in  in- 
ternal taxes  were  more  than  overcome  by  the  increased 

112 


consumption.  It  was  predicted  by  opponents  of  this 
measure  that  it  would  bankrupt  the  Treasury,  but  ex- 
perience has  proved  that  the  revenue  is  sufficient  for  the 
needs  of  the  government,  unless  wasteful  and  extravagant 
Democratic  appropriations  are  to  continue.  The  re- 
moval of  duties  on  sugars  alone  has  been  a  direct  benefit 
to  the  consumers  of  this  country,  amounting  to  about 
one  dollar  for  every  inhabitant,  old  and 
younj?,  or  about  $5  for  every  family. 

New  Industries  Springing  Up. 

The  second  object  of  this  measure  was  to  develop 
home  industries  and  secure  a  greater  de- 
mand for  American  labor.  In  this  respect,  also, 
the  act  has  been  surprisingly  successful,  already  accom- 
plishing more  than  its  most  hopeful  supporters  had  ex- 
pected. It  has  secured  the  establishment  of  many  new 
industries,  which  had  no  existence  in  the  country  prior  to 
its  enactment.  Lists  of  new  establishments,  several  hun- 
dred in  number,  employing  thousands  of  hands,  have 
been  published,  but  can  at  no  time  be  made  complete,  for 
for  each  week  adds  to  the  roll.  Tin  plate  v/orks  by  the 
score  are  already  producing  more  than  eight  million 
pounds  in  a  quarter,  but  many  more  are  soon  to  begin 
operation.  Works  for  the  manufacture  of  pearl  buttons 
are  already  counted  by  the  dozen,  and  American  mills 
now  make  all  the  cotton  ties  used  in  the  country,  while 
new  works  are  producing  plushes,  laces,  linen  goods  and 
a  multitude  of  woolen,  worsted  and  cotton  fabrics,  never 
before  produced  here.  Every  part  of  the  country 
has  shared  in  the  benefits  resulting,  and  has 
seen  new  establisments  created  by  this  act, 
which  give  increased  employment  to  labor, 
and  a  greater  demand  for  the  products  of 
neighboring  farms,  and  for  the  labor  of 
mechanics  and  artisans. 


Great  Expansion  of  Industries. 

Great  as  these  results  have  been,  much  greater  have 
been  realized  in  the  exj^ansion  and  development 
of  industries  previously  existing.  Three  years  ago  the 
woolen  manufacture  was  greatly  depressed  in  conse- 
quence of  changes  made  by  Democratic  votes  in  the  tariff 
of  1883,  and  it  was  said  that  fully  a  third  of  the  machin- 
ery was  idle,  while  of  the  works  remaining,  compara- 
tively few  realized  fair  profits.  Excessive  competition  of 
foreign  goods,  many  of  them  fraudulently  undervalued, 
was  the  chief  cause  of  depression.  Now  many  classes 
of  goods  which  were  formerly  importetl  in 
great  quantity  are  no  longer  imported  at  all, 
and  merchants  handle  of  those  classes  Amer- 
can  goods  exclusively.  Dress  goods,  in  excellence 
and  fineness  never  equalled  in  this  country,  have  excluded 
similar  foreign  goods,  and  the  same  is  true  of  many  kinds 
of  worsteds  and  woolen  goods.  The  mills  arc  busy  even 
at  this  season  nearly  to  their  full  capacity,  and  trade  re- 
ports speak  of  the  orders  for  goods  as  astonishing  to  man- 
ufacturers. The  consumption  of  wool  in  manu- 
facture has  increased  17  per  cent,  in  three 

113 


years,  and  is  much  the  largest  ever  known, 
while  tlie  value  of  woolen  goods  imported  lias 
decreased  $21,000,000  during  the  same 
period. 

Advances  in  Every  Branch  of  Trade. 

In  other  industries  similar  results  are  seen.  Many- 
cotton  fabrics  never  equaled  in  fineness  by  the  manu- 
facture in  this  country  are  now  produced  so  largely  that 
similar  foreign  products  are  almost  wholly  excluded,  and 
the  consumption  of  cotton  in  the  mills  of  this  country 
has  increased  24  per  cent,  in  two  years.  The 
production  of  pig  iron  since  the  new  tariff  Avas  enacted 
has  for  the  first  time  surpassed  that  of  Great 
15ritain  both  in  1891  and  this  year  thus  far,  having  in- 
creased about  10  per  cent,  in  three  years.  It  is  especially 
important  that  this  increase  has  not  been  due  to  unusual 
railroad  building,  but  has  been  in  spite  of  smaller  con- 
sumption of  iron  for  that  purpose  than  has  been  known  in 
other  years  for  a  long  time  ;  it  is  the  result  of  vastly  in- 
creased consumption  of  the  material  in  other  branches  of 
the  manufacture.  In  the  silk  manufacture  there  has  been 
an  increase  of  25  per  cent,  beyond  that  of  any  other  year, 
the  imijorts  of  raw  silk  exceeding  those  of 
1890  by  1,500,000  pounds,  and  the  manufacture 
has  increased  nearly  three-fold  since  the  census  of  1880, 
when  it  employed  31,000  hands  and  yielded  products 
worth  $41,000,000.  The  imports  of  india  rubber  during 
the  last  year  were  40,000,000  pounds,  an  increase  of 
18  per  cent,  in  two  years,  though  the  manufacture 
had  substantially  doubled  in  the  ten  preceding  years. 
The  manufactures  using  tin  as  a  material  consumed  44 
million  pounds  against  35  million  pounds  in  1890, 
an  increase  of  more  than  25  per  cent. ,  and  imports  of 
bleaching  powder  have  increased  10  per  cent,  in  two  years. 
These  are  but  samples  of  a  marvellous  ad- 
vance which  is  seen  in  nearly  all  branches  of 
American  industry  since  the  new  tariff*  was 
enacted. 

Objects  of  the  New  Tariff. 

These  results  have  not  been  attained  by  a  general  in- 
crease of  duties  on  imports.  On  the  contrary,  the  articles 
on  which  duties  were  ^educed  by  the  new  tariff  greatly 
outnumber  the  articles  on  which  duties  were  increased. 
Not  only  by  the  removal  of  duties  on  sugar,  but  by  the 
addition  of  many  other  articles  to  the  free  list,  were  the 
burdens  of  American  consumers  greatly 
diminished.  Where  duties  w^ere  increased  the  objects 
were  (1)  to  afford  greater  protection  to  agri- 
culture, which  had  not  been  adequately  defended  under 
previous  tariffs;  (2)  to  correct  errors  which  had 
sprung  up  tlirough  misunderstanding  or  judicial  interpre- 
tation of  previous  tariffs,  or  through  changes  in  modes  of 
production  abroad  which  rendered  previous  duties  in- 
effective ;  and  (3)  to  secure  the  establisliment  of 
new  industries  which  had  been  prevented  hitherto  by 
foreign  competition,  previous  duties  on  imported  articles 
having  been  inadequate.  The  greater  number  of  changes 
in  the  direction  of  higher  duty  was  for  the  benefit  of  agrl- 

114 


Culture,  while  as  to  the  great  manufactures  already  well 
established  in  this  country,  duties  on  a  great  variety  of 
products  were  reduced. 

Protection  fok  Fakmers. 

In  raising  duties  on  many  farm  products  Congress  did 
but  respond  to  the  earnest  demand  of  a  great  number  of 
farmers.  At  the  suggestion  of  a  commiUee  representing 
the  farmers  in  all  parts  of  tlie  country,  petitions  in  great 
number  had  been  signed  and  forwarded  to  the  Congress 
of  1886-7,  asking  increase  in  duties  on  certain  farm  pro- 
ducts, and  settinj?  forth  in  strong  terms  the 
necessity  of  sucli  an  increase  in  order  to  de- 
fend this  industry  against  liurtf  al  and  rapidly 
growing"  competition  along  the  sea  coast  and 
the  Canadian  border.  These  petitions  were  con- 
temptuously disregarded  by  the  Democratic  majority  of 
the  House  at  that  time,  and  the  result  was  that  over- 
whelming majorities  were  given  for  the  Republican 
candidates  in  agricultural  States  at  the  election  four  years 
ago.  The  Republican  Congress  thus  elected  proceeded  to 
respond  to  the  declared  wishes  of  the  farmers  by  increas- 
ing duties  in  every  instance  where  such  increase  had  been 
asked  by  the  great  body  of  petitions  above  mentioned, 
and  in  several  cases  a  greater  advance  of  duties  was 
judged  necessary  in  order  to  secure  the  end  desired. 

These  provisions  were  intended  to  defend,  and  as  ex- 
perience thus  far  proves,  do  in  fact  defend  the  farmers 
against  excessive  competition  in  quarters  where  they  had 
been  most  readily  deprived  of  the  enjoyment  of  their 
home  markets.  At  the  same  time,  in  nearly  all  parts  of 
the  country  they  have  in  no  way  affected  prices  or  en- 
hanced the  cost  of  products  to  consumers,  because  there 
foreign  farm  products  were  not  brought  nor 
sold  and  would  not  have  been  under  any  form 
of  tarift'.  The  Canadian,  who  taxes  products  im- 
ported from  this  country,  and  contributes  nothing  directly 
to  the  support  of  our  national.  State  or  local  government, 
is  now  compelled  to  pay  something  for  the 
privilege  of  selling  in  competition  with 
American  farmers,  and  in  consequence  there 
has  been  a  decline  in  prices  of  certain  pro- 
ducts in  Canadian  markets,  and  an  advance 
in  prices  realized  by  farmers  of  this  countr5^ 
near  the  border.  Similar  benefits  have  been 
realized  by  farmers  near  the  sea  coast,  whose  best  markets 
were  oft^n  spoiled  or  taken  from  them  by  the  importation 
at  sea  ports  of  vegetables,  fruit,  eggs  and  tobacco  from 
other  countries.  This  competition  was  rapidly  destroy- 
ing agriculture  where  it  was  most  exposed  to  competition 
with  foreign  producers,  but  by  giving  encouragement  to 
that  industry  the  uew  act  ensures  the  maintenance  of  an 
adequate  home  supply  in  such  quarters,  and  in  the  long 
run  larger  and  steadier  supplies  and  more  reasonable 
prices.  While  agriculture  is  being  destroyed  in  Great 
Britain,  as  farmers  of  that  country  admit  with  sorrow, 
by  the  free  importations  from  the  continent,  it  is  pro- 
posed by  Democrats  that  the  American  farmers  shall  de- 
liberately adopt  the  British  policy  and  iEvite  the 
same  results. 

115 


AS  TO  PRICES. 


They  Are  Lower  Than  Before  the  New 
Tarijft'  was  Passed. 


DECLINES  IN  VALUES  ALL  ALONG  THE 
LINE. 


The  Result  of  Home  Competition. 


When  the  new  tariff  was  enacted,  the  whole  land  was 
filled  with  falsehoods  about  its  effect  on  prices.  An  army 
of  peddlers  and  travelling  salesmen  was  sent  out  to  warn 
people  that  a  great  rise  in  prices  would  quickly  follow  the 
enforcement  of  the  new  law.  Merchants  by  the  thousand 
repeated  the  same  statement  as  a  reason  for  asking  higher 
prices  from  customers.  Public  journals  were  full  of  ex- 
aggerated or  false  accounts  of  advances  already  realized. 
After  nearly  two  years'  experience  under  tbe 
operation,  consumers  have  learned  how  full 
of  falsehood  these  assertions  were.  The  most 
elaborate  investigation  of  retail  prices  ever  undertaken, 
conducted  by  leading  Senators  of  both  political  parties, 
who  absolutely  agreed  in  their  report  of  the  facts,  has  now 
established  beyond  dispute  that  retail  prices  were,  as  a 
whole,  lower  in  September,  1891,  than  a  year  before  the 
new  tariff  was  enacted.  The  results  of  this  investigation 
further  proved  (see  table  B) : 

(1)  That  the  advance  in  retail  prices  at  many  points 
during  the  year  ending  with  last  June  was  almost  wholly 
due  to  the  partial  failure  of  crops  in  1890,  and  the  conse- 
quent scarcity  of  supply.  The  investigation  proves  that 
61  articles  of  clothing  were  at  no  time  as  high 
after  December  1,  1889,  as  in  June,  July  and 
August  of  that  year  ;  that  metals  and  implements  embrac- 
ing 34  articles  rapidly  declined  after  the  new 
tariff  was  passed,  the  fall  amounting  in  the  average 
10  2^  per  cent,  within  the  year  ;  that  drugs  and  chemicals 
in  like  manner  declined  nearly  2  per  cent.,  and 
were  at  no  time  afterwards  as  high  as  when  the  act  passed, 
and  that  household  furnishing  goods,  27  in  number,  have 
never  been  so  high  since  August,  1889,  as  at 
that  time.  In  general,  all  articles,  except  food,  were 
lower  in  every  "month  after  March,  1891,  than  in  1889, 
proving  conclusively  that  manufactured 
products  affected  by  duties  were  not  on  the 
whole  enhanced  in  prices  by  the  new  tariff'. 

(2)  That  the  slight  and  temporary  advance  in  retail 
prices  immediately  after  the  act  went  into  effect  at  no 
time  amounted,  for  all  articles  other  than  food,  to  more 
than  a  quarter  of  one  per  cent,  or  25  cents  on  $100,  and 
lasted  no  longer  than  March,  1891,  and  has  been  fol- 
lowed by  a  general  decline.  Food  products  also  de- 
clined when  the  giDod  crops.of  1891  began  to  come  forward, 

116 


so  that  all  classes  of  articles  then  became  lower 
than  in  1889.  These  facts,  established  by  the  con- 
curring reports  of  Senators  of  both  parties,  put  an  end 
absolutely^  to  the  pretence  that  the  new  tariflt* 
caused  a  general  advance  in  the  cost  of  living 
or  in  retail  prices  of  articles  to  consumers.  But  the 
same  committee  went  farther,  and 

(3)  By  investigation  at  three  points  in  May,  1892,  es- 
tablished the  fact  that  there  had  been  a  further 
decline  from  September,  1891,  to  May, 
1892.  At  Fall  River,  Massachusetts,  this  decline  was 
1.2  per  cent,  in  the  aggregate  of  all  retail  prices,  at  Chi- 
cago 4.2  per  cent,  and  at  Dubuque,  Iowa,  prices  were 
unchanged.  A  still  later  investigation  at  Homestead, 
Pennsylvania,  not  by  official  agents,  has  exhibited  a  con- 
tinued decline  in  the  same  articles  down  to  August,  1892, 
extending  to  every  class  of  articles,  and  making  the 
entire  decline  in  retail  prices  in  three  years, 
from  July,  1889,  a  little  over  ten  per  cent. 

Cost  of  Living  Reduced. 

It  is,  therefore,  established  beyond  dispute  that  the 
cost  of  living  has  not  been  increased  by  the  new  Tariff, 
but  that  every  dollar  earned  by  labor  will 
purchase  more  of  things  required  for  the 
support  and  comfort  of  a  family  than  a 
dollar  would  purchase  when  the  new  Tariff 
was  enacted,  or  the  year  before  its  enactment.  In 
large  measure,  moreover,  this  decline  in  prices  can  be 
directly  traced  to  the  increased  American  production, 
and  more  active  competition  between  home  producers, 
which  the  new  Tariff  has  caused.  Thus,  the  imports 
of  cotton  ties  have  been  completely  stopped, 
but  the  home  producers  have  competed  so 
sharply  that  steel  cotton  ties  of  the  best 
quality  have  been  largely  sold  at  the  South 
for  2  cents  per  lb.,  a  price  lower  than  was 
ever  quoted  before  the  act  was  passed.  Many 
articles  of  clothing,  woolen  goods,  dress  goods  and 
cottons  especially,  have  been  lower  since  the  new  Tariff 
went  into  effect  than  ever  before,  owing  to  the  enormous 
production  that  measure  has  brought  about.  Never  in 
the  history  of  the  country  has  the  value  of  a  protective 
measure  been  so  quickly  demonstrated  at  any  other- time, 
in  greatly  increased  production  and  reduced  cost  to 
consumers,  ai  within  the  past  two  years  under  the  new 
Tariff. 


A  Tariff  "  For  Revenue  Only  "  Impossible. 

(Annual  Message  to  Congi^ess,  Dec.  3, 1889.) 

These  duties  necessarily  have  relation  to  other  things 
besides  the  public  revenues.  We  cannot  limit  their 
effects  by  fixing  our  eyes  on  the  public  treas- 
ury alone.  They  have  a  direct  relation  to 
home  production,  to  work,  to  wages  and  to 
the  commercial  independence  of  our  country, 
and  the  wise  and  patriotic  legislator  should  enlarge  the 
field  of  his  vision  to  include  all  of  these. 

-BENJAMIN  HAKKISON, 


117 


WHAT  FEEE  TRADE  MEANS. 


Economic  Theories  That  Are  Utterly 
Contradicted  by  the  Facts. 


HIGH  DUTIES  DO  NOT  CAU8E  HIOH 
PRICES. 


But  Low  Duties  Compel  Low  Wages. 


Never  has  the  soundness  of  Republican  principles 
regarding  the  tariff  been  more  conclusively  demonstrated 
than  by  the  experience  of  the  past  two  years.  Every 
theory  held  by  free  traders  has  been  crushed  by  an  ava- 
lanche of  hard  facts.  It  has  long  been  claimed'that  there 
could  be  no  protection  or  increased  stimulus  for  manu- 
facturing industry  without  higher  prices  for  consumers. 
But  irresistible  facts  tell  a  different  tale. 
They  prove  that  there  has  been  a  wonderful  impulse  given 
to  industries,  so  great  that  jj^aiiis  of  10  to  25  per  cent. 
ill  production  have  been  realized  in  different  branches 
within  two  years ;  so  great  that  new  works  by  the 
hundred  have  been  established  and  have  gone  into 
operation,  employing  thousands  of  hands,  and  yet  there 
has  been  no  advance  whatever,  but  a  general  decline  in 
retail  prices  paid  by  consumers.  The  mill  which  could 
not  afford  to  make  the  finer  dress  goods  at  all,  to  be 
retailed  at  50  cents  per  yard  or  upward,  when  it  could 
not  count  upon  the  home  market  and  its  enormous 
demand,  because  the  loss  on  part  of  its  product  if  left 
unsold  would  destroy  all  its  profits  on  whatever  part  of 
its  production  it  might  sell,  now  devotes  its  whole  force  to 
the  making  of  such  goods,  better  in  quality  than  were 
ever  made  in  this  country  before,  better  than  were  ever 
imported  and  sold  at  that  price,  and  yet  sells  them  at  the 
same  prico  realizing  a  profit,  and  builds  new  works  to 
double  its  capacity  as  quickly  as  possible,  because  the 
American  market  is  laige  enough  to  ensure  quick  and 
enormous  sales. 

Men  who  knew  they  could  not  make  money  in  produc- 
ing tin  plates  at  $5.30  per  box,  because  foreign  makers, 
who  have  been  selling  plates,  duty  paid,  at  that  price  be- 
fore the  ne  w  tariff  was  enacted,  could  cut  off  a  dollar  per 
box  or  more,  and  yet  sell  without  loss,  in  order  to  crush 
any  American  competition,  now  invest  millions  in 
the  establishment  of  the  most  complete 
works  in  the  world,  because  the  foreign  maker  has 
taken  off  his  dollar  per  box  from  his  selling  price,  and 
yet  the  tin  plates  paying  the  new  duty  cannot  be  sold 
here  below  the  cost  of  production  at  American  establish- 
ments. With  the  great  American  market  ensured,  the 
finest  machinery  which  the  unrivalled  American  ingenuity 
can  devise  is  employed  in  order  to  produce  goods  more 
cheaply  than  anywhere  else  in  the  world,  though  without 
such  a  market  secured  a  few  months  of  competition  with 

118 


cheap  foreign  labor  and  great  accumulated  capital  would 
make  many  establishments  worthless. 

Retail  Peioes  Kept  Down. 

It  has  long  been  claimed  that  prices  paid  to  farmers  for 
their  products  could  not  be  raised  by  duty  on  imported 
articles  without  making  the  cost  of  living  greater  to  all 
wage  earners,  and  enhancing  the  retail  price  of  food  to 
all  consumers.  But  hard  facts  tell  a  different  tale. 
They  prove  that  wholesale  and  retail  prices 
do  not  advance  side  by  side.  An  advance  of 
17.3  per  cent,  in  the  wholesale  price  of  wheat 
at  the  farms  in  forty-one  States  from  July,  1889,  to  Sep- 
tember, 1891, 'as  established  by  the  unanimous  report  of 
the  Senate  Finance  Committee,  has  actually  brought  with 
it  an  advance,  according  to  the  same  unanimous  report, 
of  scarcely  two  per  cent,  in  the  price  of  flour  at 
seventy  cities,  and  the  advance  of  two  per  cent,  in  flour 
has  brought  with  it  an  advance  of  only  four-tenths 
of  one  per  cent,  in  the  retail  price  of  bread. 

Corn  rose  47  per  cent,  within  the  same  period,  but 
corn  meal  at  retail  advanced  not  quite  ten  per  cent. 
Sheep  rose  8.6  per  cent,  in  value  to  the  farmer,  but  mut- 
ton at  retail  advanced  in  cost  to  consumers  less  than  three 
quarters  of  one  per  cent.  The  advance  in  all  farm 
products  at  wholesale,  from  July,  1889,  to 
September,  1891,  was  18.23  per  cent.,  but 
in  retail  prices  of  all  food  during  the  same 
time,  there  was  a  slight  decline.  The  farmers 
have  realized  better  prices  for  grains,  vegetables  and 
animals,  and  yet  the  consumers  have  not  paid  more  for 
their  food.  The  charge  for  every  step  and  process  from 
the  farms  to  the  dinner  table  in  an  eastern  city  has  been 
reduced,  the  middlemen  take  each  a  little  less, 
the  farmer  gets  much  more,  and  the  con- 
sumer pays  a  shade  less  than  before  for  tlie 
same  food.  Democratic  theorists  sneer  at  these  as  im- 
possible Republican  miracles,  but  the  investigation 
of  prices  by  a  committee  representing  both 
parties  results  in  unanimous  agreement  that 
the  miracles  are  nevertheless  facts. 

Wages  of  Laboe  Advanced. 

The  consumer  pays  no  more,  but  the  laborer  gets 
higher  wages — another  miracle  to  Democratic  theorists  ; 
but  again  the  hard  facts  are  established  by  the  unanimous 
report  of  the  same  committee  of  both  parties.  The  fig- 
ures given  by  the  committee*(see  Table  C)  prove  that  the 
wages  of  labor  in  fifteen  general  occupations  actually  ad- 
vanced from  July,  1889,  to  September,  1891,  about  three- 
quarters  of  one  per  cent.  They  also  prove  that  in  fourteen 
special  industries  there  was  no  change  of  wages  in  four  ; 
decline  of  wages  in  five,  amounting  to  1.59  per  cent,  each, 
and  an  advance  in  five,  amounting  to  2.54  per  cent,  each, 
so  that  the  average  advance  in  these  fourteen  special  indus- 
tries was  a  third  of  one  per  cent,  if  each  is  treated  as  of 
the  same  importance.  The  advance  was  greatest 
in  woolen  goods,  which  are  on  the  whole 
cheaper  than  two  years  ago,  and  in  pig  iron 
and  cotton  goods,  prices  of  which  are  lower 
than  at  any  previous  time  in  the  history  of 

119 


the  country.  Nor  is  it  strange  that  the  establishment 
of  many  hundred  new  works,  with  the  demand  for  thou- 
sands of  new  hands,  should  enable  the  workers  to  obtain 
higher  wages.  That  is  the  legitimate  and  inevitable  re- 
sult of  a  protective  system,  well  devised  and  steadily 
maintained,  which  accomplishes  its  purpose,  and  does,  in 
fact,  cause  establishment  of  new  works  and  expansion  of 
old  industries. 

It  is  precisely  what  has  been  realized  constantly  during 
the  past  thirty  years  as  the  result  of  the  llepublican  policy 
of  protection.  Comparison  of  wages  in  more 
than  1,100  distinct  occupations  and  posi- 
tions, given  in  the  census  report  of  1880, 
showed  that  there  had  been  an  advance  from 
I860,  the  last  year  of  a  Democratic 
revenue  tariff,  to  tlie  date  of  the  census, 
amounting  to  about  forty-live  per  cent.  This 
advance  has  continued,  although  similar  official  figures  do 
not  yet  exist  showing  how  great  it  has  been  within  the 
past  ten  years ;  but  such  facts  as  have  been  collected  un- 
officially show  a  further  advance  of  more  than  six  per 
cent,  at  the  least;  so  that  the  wages  of  manufacturing  and 
mechanical  labor  must  now  be  more  than  fifty  per  cent, 
liiglier  than  they  were  in  1860  under  the  last  Democratic 
tariff.  For  every  dollar  that  a  day's  or  a 
month's  labor  would  then  procure  under  a 
Democratic  policy,  the  same  labor  would 
now^  procure  at  least  $1.50  under  Republican 
protection.  Yet  the  laborers  of  the  United  States  are 
asked  this  year  to  vote  against  the  system  which  has 
brought  to  them  such  benefits  1 

The  New  Tariff  Must  Have  a  Fair  Trial. 

There  is  neither  wisdom  nor  justice  in  the  suggestion 
that  the  subject  of  tariff  revision  shall  be  again  opened 
before  this  law  has  had  a  fair  trial.  It  is  quite  true  that 
every  tariff  schedule  is  subject  to  objections.  No  bill  was 
ever  framed,  I  suppose,  that  in  all  of  its  rates  and  classi- 
fications had  the  full  approval  even  of  a  party  caucus. 
Such  legislation  is  always  and  necessarily  the  product  of 
compromise  as  to  details,  and  the  present  law  is  no  excep- 
tion. JBut  in  its  general  scope  and  eftect  1 
think  it  will  justify  the  support  of  those  who 
believe  that  American  legislation  should 
conserve  and  defend  American  trade  and 
the  wages  of  American  workmen. 

—BENJAMIN  HAKKISON. 


Take  the  Issue  to  Your  Homes. 
{Fort  Wayne,  Ind.,  Sept.  4, 1888.) 
Some  think  it  enough  to  say  that  they  are  not  free- 
traders because  they  are  not  in  favor  of  abolishing  all 
customs  duties.     Let  me  remind  such  that  the  free-trade 
countries  of  Europe,  recognized   to  be  such,  have  not 
abolished  all  customs  duties.   A  better  distinction  is  this : 
The  free-trader  believes  in  levying  customs 
duties  without   any  regard  to  the   effect  of 
those  <luties  upon  the  wages  of  our  working 
people,  or  upon  the  production  of  our   own 
shops.    This,  then,  is  the  issue.    Take  it  to  your  homes. 
—BENJAMIN  HAKRISON. 

120 


WAGES  AND  VALUES. 


More  of  Everything  to  be  had  for  a 
Dollar  than  Formerly. 


AND  MORE  DOLLARS  TO  GET  THEM 
WITH. 


Mechanics  and  the  Tariff. 


In  like  manner  the  lowering  of  prices  for  all  manufac- 
tured products  has  been  going  on  for  more  than  thirty- 
years  under  Republican  protection,  and  this  has  enabled 
the  workingman  to  buy  more  with  every  dollar  received 
in  wages  than  he  could  buy  in  1850.  Official  records  of 
prices  prior  to  1889  are  not  completed,  but  tables  have 
been  published  which  show  that  less  than  $75  would  now 
buy  as  much  of  all  articles  entering  into  the  consumption 
of  an  ordinary  family  at  wholesale  prices  on  the  seaboard 
as  $100  would  buy  at  the  same  markets  in  the  last  year  of 
a  Democratic  revenue  tariff.  Farm  products  have  been 
reduced  in  cost  to  Eastern  consumers  by  a  reduction  in 
the  cost  of  transportation,  but  their  value  has  not  been 
correspondingly  reduced  to  the  farmers  who  ship  their 
products  over  the  long  lines  of  railway.  On  the  other 
hand,  manufactured  products  have  been  reduced  in  cost 
much  more  than  prices  of  farm  products  at  the  seaboard, 
and  almost  without  exception  are  cheaper  thau  they 
ever  were  under  the  Democratic  revenue 
tariff.  It  is  undeniable  that  the  tendency  of  inventions 
and  of  progress  in  the  arts  and  sciences  is  to  reduce  the 
expenditure  of  human  labor  and  consequently  the  cost  of 
producing  manufactured  articles.  13ut  comparison 
between  tlie  prices  for  such  articles  in  tliis 
and  in  otiier  countries  makes  it  clear  that 
the  reduction  in  prices  has  been  as  great  in 
this  as  in  any  other  land.  Of  all  the  benefits  which 
advancing  civilization  has  secured  to  the  human  race  the 
American  people  have  been  enabled  to  enjoy  under  pro- 
tection not  only  their  full  share  but  a  larger  share  than 
has  fallen  to  the  lot  of  the  people  in  other  countries. 

Mechanics  Peoteoted. 

It  is  often  asked  why  hands  engaged  in  mechanical 
trades,  such  as  house-building  occupations  and  the  bakers, 
butchers,  plumbers  and  the  like,  should  secure  as  much 
increase  in  wages  as  those  engaged  in  protected  manu- 
factures. But  the  men  in  tlie  mechanical  occu- 
pations have  no  foreign  competition  what- 
ever to  retard  their  improvement  in  condi- 
tion. They,  therefore,  feel  the  full  effect  of  that  steady 
increase  in  demand  for  all  American  labor  which  protec- 

19.1 


tion  has  caused  for  thirty  years.  The  employer  who  is 
manufacturing  woolen  goods,  or  steel  in  various  forms, 
or  other  articles  largely  imported,  may  often  find  it  im- 
possible to  grant  an  advance  in  wages  when  it  is  asked, 
because  a  further  advance  at  that  time  in  the  cost  of  pro- 
duction might  enable  foreign  competitors  to  undersell 
him  and  cut  oil  part  of  his  market.  But  the  carpenters 
or  the  masons  have  no  such  competition  to  meet.  No 
foreign  artisan  can  lay  the  foundation  or  put  up  the 
frame-work  of  a  house  for  Americans  to  occupy,  and  ship 
it  to  this  country  f-or  sale.  The  natural  protection 
provided  by  the  cliaracter  of  tlieir  occupation 
enables  these  workmen  to  reap  the  full  benefit  of  that  up- 
ward impulse  which  protection  gives,  through  the  con- 
stant demand  for  American  labor  in  the  expansion  and 
diversification  of  industries. 

Wages  of  Farm  Labor. 

The  wages  of  farm  labor,  as  exhibited  by  official  re- 
ports of  the  Agricultural  Department,  disclose  the  opera- 
tion of  the  same  influence.  Because  there  is  a  greater  de- 
mand for  all  labor,  when  new  establishments  are  con- 
stantly being  completed  and  put  in  operation,  through 
the  withdrawal  of  hands  from  the  supply  available  for 
farm  labor,  there  results  an  advance  in  the  wages  of  such 
hands  which  bears  strong  testimony  to  the  power  of  the 
upward  influence.  The  official  statements  (see  Table  D) 
show  that  the  average  of  wages  paid  to  farm  hands  per 
month  in  all  the  States  has  advanced  1.4  per  cent,  during 
the  last  two  years,  2  per  cent,  during  the  last  four  years, 
3  per  cent,  in  the  last  seven  years,  and  15.7  per  cent,  since 
1879,  the  year  of  specie  resumption.  While  this  advance 
makes  the  cost  of  production  somewhat  greater,  the 
farmers  have  compensation  in  the  far  greater  efficiency  of 
farm  implements  and  machinery,  in  their  greater  cheap- 
ness, especially  within  the  past  two  years,  and  in  the  re- 
duction of  more  than  one-half  in  the  cost  of  transporting 
their  products  from  the  farms  to  distant  eastern  markets. 

The  Nation's  Marvellous  Progress. 

This  is  but  an  outline  of  the  magnificent  results  which 
have  followed  a  steady  maintenance  of  the  Republican 
policy  of  protection  for  more  than  thirty  years.  The 
progress  of  the  nation  has  been  greater  than  that  of  any 
other  nation,  and  so  great  that  this  has  surpassed  every 
other  in  aggregate  valuation.  The  wealth-produc- 
ing power  of  the  people  has  gained  so  greatly 
that  foreign  statisticians  now  estimate  the 
annual  addition  to  the  wealth  of  the  United 
States  as  greater  than  the  annual  addition 
to  the  wealth  of  Great  Britain,  Germany  and 
France  combined.  The  distribution  of  wealth  has 
been  so  favorable  that  labor  earns  about  twice  as  much  in 
this  as  in  other  countries,  while  the  purchasing  power  of 
wages  earned  has  been  increased  in  greater  proportion 
here  than  elsewhere.  Within  thirty  years  under  the  pro- 
tective policy,  the  value  of  labor  measured  in 
the  things  it  will  buy  has  more  than  doubled 
in  the  United  States,  and  nowhere  else  has  it  gained 


in  any  such  proportion.  Manufactures  have  developed 
and  increased  in  production  at  a  rate  not  even  rivalled  in 
any  other  country,  making  this  the  foremost  nation  of 
the  world  in  many  great  departments  of  industry  in 
which  thirty  years  ago  its  productive  capacity  was  insig- 
nificant, and  the  strong  home  competition  has  so  cheap- 
ened products  that  the  cost  of  living  has  been  greatly  re- 
duced. More  tlian  ten  million  immigrants 
have  come  to  this  country  within  twenty 
years,  and  yet  have  not  prevented  a  great 
advance  in  the  wages  of  labor.  Millions  of  them 
have  taken  new  farms  and  brought  under  cultivation 
rich  lands  of  the  far  West,  and  yet  have  not  prevented 
an  advance  in  prices  of  farm  products  at  the  farms.  In  a 
word,  no  other  country  has  prospered  so  marvellously  or 
gained  so  much  as  this  country  under  the  protective 
policy,  nor  has  the  progress  been  more  remarkable  at 
any  other  time  than  during  the  past  two  years  under  the 
latest  tariff  framed  and  passed  by  the  Republicans. 


Bismarck's  Tribute  to  Protection. 

{From  a  Speech  in  the  Reichstag  hy  Prince  Bismarck^ 
May  12,  1882.) 

The  success  of  the  United  States  m  material 
development  is  the  most  ilhistrious  of  modern 
time.  The  American  nation  has  not  only 
successfully  borne  and  suppressed  the  most 
gigantic  and  expensive  war  of  all  history,  but 
immediately  afterward  disbanded  its  army, 
found  work  for  all  its  soldiers  and  marines, 
paid  off  most  of  its  debt,  given  labor  and 
homes  to  all  the  unemployed  of  Europe  as  fast 
as  they  could  arrive  within  the  territory,  and 
still  by  a  system  of  taxation  so  in- 
direct as  not  to  be  perceived,  mnch 
less  felt.  Because  it  is  my  deliberate 
judgment  that  the  prosperity  of 
America  is  mainly  due  to  its  system 
of  protective  laws,  I  urge  that  Germany 
has  now  reached  that  point  where  it  is  neces- 
sary to  imitate  the  tariff  system  of  the  United 
States. 


123 


STRIKING  AT  WOOL. 


The  Democracy  is  a  Party  Hostile  to 
Industries. 


FLOCKS  ENORMOUSLY  INCREASED 
BURIXi;  1891. 


Woolen  Goods  Cheaper. 


It  is  against  this  wonder-working  policy,  which  brings 
to  all  benefits  greater  than  any  have  anticipated,  that  the 
Democratic  party  fights.  No  longer  trying  merely  to  find 
flaws  in  the  details  of  the  tariff,  or  particular  duties  which 
can  be  successfully  attacked,  the  party  denounces  as  rob- 
bery a  system  which  has  helped  to  benefit  every  class  of 
citizens  in  every  section  of  the  land,  and  declares  that 
it  is  unconstitutional  to  provide  by  protection 
a  larger  demand  for  American  labor  and  an 
expansion  of  American  industries.  The  con- 
trast between  the  Democratic  and  Republican  platforms  is 
not  greater  than  the  contrast  between  the  measures  which 
the  two  parties  have  supported. 

The  bills  framed  this  year  by  the  Democrats,  and  passed 
by  the  enormous  Democratic  majority  in  the  House,  were 
confessedly  intended  only  as  a  few  samples  of  what  the 
party  would  do  if  it  had  full  power.  The  intention  was 
plainly  avowed  to  frame  no  general  tariff  bill,  because  it 
was  not  thought  wise  to  show  in  detail  exactly  what  the 
party  meant  to  do,  except  as  these  few  bills  indicate  its 
purpose.  But,  judging  from  these  measures  alone,  the 
l>emocratic  policy  must  be  pronounced  hos- 
tile to  American  industries,  hostile  to  Amer- 
ican producers  and  to  the  interests  of  Ameri- 
can wage-earners,  and  calculated  to  benefit 
only  the  manufacturers  of  other  countries, 
their  employees,  and  the  agents  or  others 
who  import  foreign  goods  into  the  United 
States. 

Fkee  Wool. 

The  first  of  these  measures,  passed  April  7th,  1892,  in 
the  Democratic  House  by  a  vote  of  194  yeas,  all  Demo- 
crats, against  58  Republicans  and  2  Democrats  in  the 
the  negative,  provides  in  its  first  section  that  "  on  and 
after  tlie  first  day  of  January,  1893,  the  following  articles, 
when  imported,  shall  be  exempt  from  duty,  namely  :  All 
wools,  hair  of  the  camel,  goat,,  alpaca,  and  other  like 
animals,  and  all  wool  and  hair  on  the  skin,  noils,  top 
waste,  slubbing  waste,  roving  waste,  ring  waste,  yarn 
waste,  card  waste,  bur  waste, "rags  and  flocks,  including 
all  waste  or  rags  composed  wholly  or  in  part  of  wool." 

134 


This  is  the  same  sweeping  and  destructive  change  which 
President  Cleveland  advocated  in  his  free-trade  message, 
the  first  animal  iiiessaj»e  by  an  American 
President  ever  devoted  exclusively  to  an  at- 
tempt to  destroy  an  imi)ortant  industry  of 
his  own  country. 

1?  But  the  bill  of  1892  went  even  further  than  the  Presi- 
dent in  his  bid  for  free-trade  votes.  It  proposed  to  admit 
free  of  all  duty,  not  only  all  wool,  whether  washed  or  un- 
unwashed,  but  all  the  various  forms  of  noils,  flocks,  tops 
and  so-called  waste,  names  which  have  been  devised  by 
foreign  manufacturers  for  the  purpose  of  fraudulently  in- 
troducing into  this  country  at  lower  rates  of  duty  parti- 
ally manufactured  wool  ready  for  use,  as  if  it  were  the 
worthless  refuse  of  manufacture.  The  pretence  that  such 
partially  manufactured  wool  would  be  dutiable  under 
another  provision,  as  having  been  advanced  by  subsequent 
processes  or  labor  beyond  the  condition  of  waste,  is  frivo- 
lous, because  the  same  false  pretences  which  formerly 
gained  its  admission  at  low  rates  would,  under  the  Demo- 
cratic act,  get  it  admitted  free  of  duty.  In  the  fiscal  year 
1890,  the  last  before  a  new  tariff  was  adopted,  no  less  than 
4,985,268  pounds  of  such  pretended  refuse  was  imported 
at  ten  cents  per  pound  duty,  the  foreign  value  of  which 
was  more  than  forty-6ue  cents  per  pound,  nearly  double 
the  value  of  clothing  wool  imported  the  same  year,  and 
nearly  three  times  the  average  value  of  all  wool.  The 
effect  of  such  importations  is  to  cut  off  the 
demand  for  more  tlian  three  pounds  of 
American  wool  aj?ainst  every  pound  of  such 
scoured  and  partially  manufactured  material 
imported,  and  no  party  not  desiring  to  break  down 
wool-growing  in  this  country  would  have  proposed  such  a 
change. 

To  Destroy  Wool  Geowing. 

Free  wool  means  for  more  than  a  million  American 
wool  growers  direct  and  unchecked  competition  of  the 
most  degrading  sort,  not  with  free  men  of  any  race  who 
own  their  lands  and  support  their  own  government,  but 
with  convicts  or  coolies  in  Australasia,  with  the  savages 
of  South  America  and  the  blacks  of  South  Africa. 
Where  land  costs  nothing-,  where  the  climate 
reduces  the  expense  of  sheep  raising  to  the 
minimum,  and  where  the  laborer  has  neither 
Jiome  nor  citizenship,  and  lives  on  nothing, 
wool  can  be  grown  at  a  cost  with  which 
American  farmers  cannot  compete  and 
should  never  be  obliged  to  compete.  Already 
Australian  production  has  been  so  vastly  increased,  and 
the  price  of  wool  in  other  countries  so  greatly  depressed, 
that  148,670,672  pounds  were  imported  during  the  past 
fiscal  year,  the  greater  part  of  which  was  valued  abroad 
at  less  than  10  cents  per  pound.  Without  any  duty  on 
cheap  foreign  wool,  the  industry  in  this  country  would 
have  to  be  almost  wholly  abandoned,  even  in  the  distant 
unsettled  and  rapidly  narr*owing  regions  where  lands  can 
be  occupied  for  nothing.  The  growers  of  wool  number 
more  than  a  million,  and  own  45,000,000  sheep,  the  value 
of  which  is  $116,000,000.    Rarely,  if  ever,  has  it  been  pro- 

125 


posed  to  abandon  and  destroy  an  industry  of  such  niagni. 
tilde,  and  to  render  worthless  such  large  investments  by 
citizens  and  voters. 

Wool  has  never  yet  been  free  of  duty  under  any  party 
or  tariff  since  the  iirst  duties  thereon  were  imposed,  and 
imtil  Mr.  Cleveland's  desperate  bid  for  free  trade  support, 
it  was  scarcely  believed  that  any  party  would  venture  to 
propose  a  change  so  unjust  and  injurious  to  the  entire 
body  of  farmers.  Only  the  year  before  his  election  the 
Democratic  party  in  Ohio,  realizing  that  votes  by  some 
Democratic  members  for  a  mere  reduction  of  wool  duties 
would  render  its  defeat  probable,  sought  to  avoid  that 
defeat  by  pledging  restoration  of  the  wool  duties  to  those 
imposed  in  1866,  which  are  substantially  the  duties  im- 
posed by  the  new  tariff.  Failing  to  catch  votes  by  a 
pledge  so  palpably  insincere,  the  party  next  threw  the 
w^ool  growing  farmers  aside  as  hopeless  and  sought  to 
entice  manufacturers  by  the  promise  of  free  raw  material 
with  protective  duties  on  manufactured  products. 
Wlieu  President  Cleveland  had  been  defeated 
on  that  device  also  the  party  concluded,  it 
appears,  that  neither  wool  growers  nor  wool 
manufacturers  could  be  enticed  into  destroy- 
inj?  their  own  interests  by  their  votes  and 
tlius  it  has  cast  off  the  mask,  declares  all 
protective  duties  robbery  and  unconstitu- 
tional, and  votes  for  free  wool  and  for  duties 
on  woolen  goods  much  too  low  for  protection 
of  the  industry. 

Duties  on  Woolens  Not  Protective. 

The  Mills  bill  of  1888  was  framed  with  the  avowed  in- 
tention to  make  all  wool  free  of  duty,  and  the  pretense 
that  the  remaining  40  per  cent,  duty  on  all  woolen  goods 
would  be  adequate  for  protection,  A  great  majority  of 
the  manufacturers,  through  their  association  and  indi- 
vidually, protested  that  the  removal  of  specific  duties  on 
woolen  goods  would  not  leave  duties  adequate  for  protec- 
tion, because  the  ad  valorem  duties  could  be  easily  evaded, 
and  were  relatively  lowest  just  when  the  industrj'^  most 
needed  defense  against  foreign  competition.  That  these 
proposed  duties  were  not  in  fact  sufficient  for  the  defense 
of  t-lie  wool  manufacture,  the  people  in  wool-manufactur- 
ing and  wool-growing  States  both  decided  by  heavy  ma- 
jorities in  the  elections  of  that  year.  Yet  the  bill  of 
1892  retluced  the  duties  on  woolen  goods  be- 
low the  rate  proposed  in  the  Mills  bill;  on 
woolen  yarns  from  40  to  35  per  cent.;  on  blankets,  hats 
and  flannels  for  underwear  to  25,  30  and  35  per  cent.;  on 
dress  goods  with  cotton  warp  to  35  percent.;  and  on  all 
carpets  to  30  per  cent.  On  clothing  ready  made  and 
various  garments  made  up,  the  new  bill  imposed  a  duty 
of  45  per  cent.,  whereas  the  Mills  bill  had  admitted  these 
goods  at  the  same  rate  with  the  cloth  of  which  they  were 
made;  and  on  all-wool  dress  goods,  woolen  cloths  and 
knit,  fabrics,  and  on  webbings,  braids,  laces  and  other 
goods  of  like  description,  the*40  per  cent,  duty  of  the 
Mills  bill  was  retained  in  the  bill  of  1892.  But  on  the 
great  majority  of  woolen  and  worsted  goods  the  duties 
proposed  by  the  Democrats  this  year  were  lower  than 

126 


those  of  the  Mills  bill,  which  the  manufacturers  had  proved 
inadequate,  and  which  the  people  in  the  election  of  1888 
had  held  insufficient  for  the  protection  of  industry. 


Against  Demookatio  Protests. 

The  Democrats  in  the  House  were  not  without  warning 
of  the  consequences.  While  this  bill  was  under  consid- 
eration the  committee  at  first  proposed  to  take  off  only 
those  duties  which  were  designed  to  compensate  for  the 
duties  on  raw  wool.  It  was  falsely  pretended  that  this 
would  leave  the  manufacture  as  well  defended  as  it  had 
been  under  the  present  tariff.  It  was  quickly  shown  that 
the  abolition  of  the  compensatory  specific  duties  would  in 
fact  take  away  a  great  part  of  the  protection  for  the  man- 
ufacture, leaving  only  ad  valorem  duties  which  could  be 
easily  and  almost  indefinitely  evaded.  Yet  even  this  was 
not  enough  for  the  majority  of  Democratic  members,  who 
insisted  upon  still  greatej  reduction  in  the  duties  on  woolen 
goods.  At  once  they  were  warned  by  some  of  the  most 
experienced  and  competent  Democratic  manufacturers  in 
the  country,  who  were  members  of  the  House,  and  one  of 
them  a  member  of  the  committee,  and  who  declared  that 
such  a  reduction  would  be  fatal  to  the  industry. 

Nevertheless,  the  committee  voted,  and  the  Democratic 
members  of  the  House  afterwards  voted,  for  this  ruinous 
reduction.  These  manufacturers  declared  that  the  aboli- 
tion of  all  specific  duties  was  of  itself  more  than  the 
industry  could  stand,  and  that  further  reductions  in  the 
ad  valorem  duties  also  would  close  a  multitude  of 
works,  drive  many  thousand  people  out  of 
employment,  and  cripple  the  manufacture  so 
that  the  home  demand  for  wool  would  be 
ruinously  diminished.  These  Democrats  warned 
their  associates  that  such  a  measure  would  drive  a  host  of 
voters  away  from  their  party,  and  sacrifice  all  that  it  had 
gained  by  adroitly  recommending  "  tariff  reform  "  in- 
stead of  free  trade.  All  warnings  were  in  vain.  The 
Democratic  majority  insisted,  the  specific  duties  were  all 
swept  away,  and  part  of  the  ad  valorem  duties  besides, 
and  in  that  form  the  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  as  a 
sample  of  the  deliberate  intention  of  the  Democratic 
party. 

This  destructive  measure  is  the  less  excusable  because 
the  country  had  been  taught,  by  painful  experience  under 
the  tariff  of  1883,  that  duties  only  a  little  lower  than  those 
now  in  force,  and  yet  much  higher  than  those  proposed 
this  year  by  Democrats,  would  subject  the  industry  to 
great  loss  and  peril.  Under  that  tariff,  for  the  first  time 
in  a  quarter  of  a  century,  wool  growing  and  wool  manu- 
facture had  sustained  great  reverses.  More  than  a  third 
of  the  mills  were  idle,  it  was  stated,  and  their  prostration 
caused  the  slaughter  of  millions  of  sheep  and  reduced  the 
output  of  wool  46,000,000  pounds,  according  to  the  re- 
ports of  the  Agricultural  Department,  from  308  million 
pounds  in  1884  to  262  million  pounds  in  1889,  or  about  15 
per  cent,  in  five  years.  Not  ignorantly,  but  after  such 
demonstration  as  this,  the  Democrats  insisted  upon  far 
lower  duties  than  those  which  had  exposed  wool  growing 
and  wool  manufacture  to  destructive  foreign  competition. 

19,7 


Pkee  Trade  Theories. 

The  theory  of  the  free  traders  is  that  the  manufacturer 
cannot  prosper  without  cheap  raw  material,  and  that  the 
duties  raise  the  cost  of  domestic  wool  so  much  as  to  make  it 
impossible  for  the  manufacturer  to  compete  with  foreign 
imports.  At  the  same  time  the  wool  grower  is  told  that 
the  protective  duties  do  not  raise  the  price  of  wool  in  tlie 
least,  but  actually  depress  it,  so  that  he  can  get  no  ad- 
vantage, but  only  injury  from  such  duties.  Palpable 
fraud  is  in  these  assertions ;  either  one  or  both  must  be 
false.  The  facts  prove  that  the  manufacture 
has  prospered  under  the  new  and  higher 
duties  as  it  never  prospered  before,  and  that 
the  wool  growers  also  have  been  so  greatly 
encourag-ed  that  they  have  rapidly  increased 
thenumber  of  their  flocks,  1,500,000  in  the 
year  1801,  The  extreme  depression  of  prices  in  all 
other  countries  has  necessarily  affected  the  market  in  the 
United  States  to  some  extent,  but  the  wool  growers 
know  that  the  decline  has  been  twice  as  great  in  other 
countries  as  in  this.  In  August,  1890,  before  the  new 
tariff  was  framed,  102  qualities  and  grades  of  wool 
averaged  in  the  Philadelphia  market  23. 6  cents  per  pound, 
and  the  same  qualities  and  grades  in  the  market  now 
average  22.6  cents  per  pound.  But,  in  foreign  markets, 
all  wool  of  similar  qualities  has  declined  far  more,  New 
South  Wales,  at  London,  from  9^  pence  in  August,  1890, 
to  7j  pence  in  August,  1892,  or  21.6  per  cent.  Protective 
duties  have  shielded  the  American  grower  from  the 
greater  part  of  an  extreme  depression,  which,  but  for  that 
defense,  would  have  been  fatal  to  this  industry. 

Woolen  Goods  Not  Dearer. 

What  excuse  is  given,  or  can  be  given,  for  exposing  to 
such  peril  great  industries  which  feed  millions  of  people  ? 
The  only  one  yet  offered  is  the  false  pretense  that 
consumers  of  woolen  clothing  have  been  frightfully  taxed 
under  the  new  tariff,  having  to  pay  greatly  increased 
prices  for  goods  in  consequence  of  the  higher  duties. 
But  the  report  of  the  Senate  Finance  Committee,  all  par- 
ties agreeing,  establishes  the  fact  that  the  prices  of 
woolen  goods  as  a  whole  were  slightly  lower 
in  September,  1891,  than  in  June-August, 
1889,  the  average  of  all  quotations  exclusive  of  carpets 
being  99.4  against  100  two  years  earlier.  Carpets  were 
about  four  per  cent,  higher  in  1891,  but  have  since  been 
reduced  as  much  or  more.  Other  woolen  goods  are  also 
lower  this  year  than  last,  while  none  of  any  importance  in 
consumption  have  advanced.  Wholesale  clothing  houses 
furnish  lists  showing  that  they  sell  all  sorts  of  ready-made 
clothing  and  suits,  made  of  the  same  goods  and  in  the 
same  way,  as  cheaply  as  they  did  two  years  or  three  years 
ago.  Thus  absolutely  no  loss  has  resulted  to 
consumers  from  the  new  duties  on  woolen 
goods,  and  the  only  excuse  that  can  be  given  for  ex- 
posing a  great  industry  to  disaster  is  a  false  and  fraudu- 
lent one. 


128 


OTHER  STRIKES  AT  PROSPERITY, 


Democratic  Proposals  to  Turn  Hosts 
of  Workmen  into  the  Street. 


BILLS  TO  PUT  PROTECTED  PRODUCTS 
ON  THE  FREE  LIST. 


Confessed  Folly  and  Worse, 


The  next  bills  proposed  as  samples  by  the  Democratic 
party  were  purely  sectional  and  wortliy  only  of  dema- 
gogues. These  were  bills  to  put  binding  twine  on  the 
free  list  and  to  take  off  duties  from  cotton  ties  and  cotton 
bagging.  The  character  of  these  bills  was  fully  exposed 
by  one  of  the  most  prominent  Democratic  organs  of  free 
trade,  "  The  New  York  Times,"  in  an  editorial  February 
17th,  entitled  "The  Committee's  Folly,"  which  said  of 
the  binding  twine  bill : 

'*  The  removal  of  the  insignificant  duty  on  binding 
twine  could  be  of  no  service  to  the  Western  farmers 
whom  the  majority  members  are  supposed  to  have  in 
mind.  That  duty  is  only  seven-tenths  of  a  cent  per 
pound.  The  removal  of  it  would  not  perceptibly  reduce 
the  price  of  binding  twine.  As  we  have  said  before, 
substantially  all  that  could  be  done  for  consumers  of 
binding  twine  by  changes  in  the  t&.iff  was  done  by  the 
McKinley  Act.  That  act  removed  the  duties  on  the 
raw  materials  out  of  which  the  farmer's  binding  twine  is 
made — manilla,  sisal,  sunn  and  other  vegetable  fibres — 
and  at  the  same  time  so  cut  down  the  duty  on  the  twine 
itself  that  this  product  is  practically  on  the  free  list  now. 
Those  who  think  they  can  fool  the  farmers  now  by 
cutting  off  the  merely  nominal  duty  of  seven-tenths  of  a 
cent  per  pound — the  weight  of  which  may  be  shown  by 
the  fact  that  the  price  of  such  twine  now  ranges  from 
9  to  13  cents  a  pound — are  building  upon  the  assumption 
that  the  farmers  cannot  understand  some  of  the  simplest 
provision^  of  the  present  tariff  law.  It  was  folly  to  waste 
time  in  the  consideration  of  such  a  measure." 

Regarding  the  cotton  ties  bill  the  same  editorial  sa3^s  : 

"The  cotton  ties  now  consumed  in  this  country  are 
no  longer  imported.  The  quantity  imported  in  the  calen- 
dar year  1890  was  33,834,387  pounds.  In  that  year  sub- 
.stantially  the  entire  demand  was  supplied  by  imports.  In 
the  calendar  year  1891  the  quantity  imported  was  only 
416.550  pounds.  The  demand  was  supplied"  by  domestic 
manufacturers.  It  does  not  escape  our  attention  that  this 
will  be  cited  by  the  devotees  of  McKinleyism  as  an  admis- 
sion in  their  favor.  We  do  not  contend  that  the  McKinley 
tariff  is  wholly  and  uniformly  bad.  As  to  the  cotton  tie 
industry  we  shall  say  more  hereafter.  The  fact  to  be  con- 
sidered by  the  Springer  Committee  is  that  the  cotton  ties 

129 


used  in  this  country  arc  at  the  present  time  made  here. 
The  industry  is  an  American  one.  The  removal  of  the 
duty  witliout  any  relief  to  tlie  manufacturer,  so  far  as  his 
raw  material  is  concerned,  would  put  an  end  to  the  do- 
mestic production  of  cotton  ties.  The  industry  now  car- 
ried on  in  this  country  would  be  transferred  to  Europe. 
Does  the  committee  think  that  it  can  afford  to  stand  upoi* 
a  policy  which  provides  clearly  for  the  transfer  of  an 
American  industry  to  England  ?  Will  such  a  policy  com- 
mand the  votes  of  a  majority  of  the  American  people? 
There  is  neither  justice  nor  common  sense  in  abruptly 
cutting  off  the  duty  on  a  manufactured  product  and  in 
retaining  the  taxes  upon  the  raw  materials  which  the 
maker  of  this  product  must  use." 

These  are  the  admissions  of  a  disgusted  free  trader, 
who  sees  that  the  arrant  demagogues  in  the  House  were 
unscrupulous  enough  and  also  ignorant  enough  to  pro- 
pose these  measures  in  the  hope  that  they  would  befool 
Western  farmers  and  Southern  cotton  producers.  But 
there  is  not  merely  demagogism  in  the  bill ;  there  is  also 
hostility  to  American  industry,  so  spiteful  that  it  would 
strike  down  a  new  industry  in  this  country,  already  em- 
ploying  multitudes  of  industrious  workers,  solely  be- 
cause it  has  been  created  by  a  Republican 
tariff.  Every  such  proof  that  the  Republican  policy  is 
wise  and  benefits  the  country  must  be  suppressed  at  any 
cost,  for  it  is  damaging  to  the  Delnocratic  party. 


The  Binding  Twine  Bill  a  Feaud. 

This  measure  was  passed  May  2d,  183  yeas  to  47  nays. 
The  duty  on  binding  twine  had  been  reduced  by  the 
McKinley  Bill  to  seven-tenths  of  a  cent  per  pound,  the 
cost  of  twine  being  from  9  to  13  cts.,  so  that  the  duty  in 
the  present  tariff  is  from  5.4  per  cent,  to  7.7  per  cent,  of 
the  cost.  Less  than  1^  lbs.  of  twine  is  required  for  an 
acre  of  grain,  so  that  the  duty,  if  it  were  all  paid  by  the 
grain  grower,  as  it  is  not,  would  amount  to  a  cent  per 
acre,  or  less  than  one  mill  per  bushel  of  grain.  But  it  is 
an  insult  to  the  intelligence  of  farmers  to  pretend  that 
tliey  suppose  the  insignificant  duty  on  this  article  is  added 
to  the  cost  of  domestic  twipe,  when  none  is  imported 
even  since  the  duty  was  greatly  reduced  two  years  ago. 
The  true  question  is  whether  Chinese  labor 
at  Hong  Kong,  which  is  paid  only  $5  per 
month,  shall  be  employed  in  preference  to 
American  labor  for  the  sake  of  saving:  less 
than  a  mill  per  bushel  on  the  cost  of  grain  to 
consumers.  The  industry  established  here  uses  ma- 
chinery of  American  invention,  consumes  10,000  tons  of 
hemp  grown  on  American  farms  each  year,  besides  other 
materials,  and  pays  to  American  laborers  in  the  manufacture 
about  $2,000,000  yearly,  or  2  cts.  per  pound  of  twine  pro- 
duced. A  free  trader,  and  only  a  free  trader,  would  see  a 
profit  in  destroying  the  industry,  depriving  the  laborers 
of  employment  and  the  farmers  of  a  market  for  their 
hemp,  in  order  to  get  the  twine  from  China,  even  if  it 
could  be  obtained  cheaper  to  the  extent  of  a  cent  for  each 
acre  of  grain. 


130 


The  Cotton  Ties  Bill. 

This  bill  was  passed  April  9  by  a  vote  of  157  Democrats  in 
favor  against  43  Republicans  and  3  Democrats  against  it, 
and  places  on  the  free  list  an  important  product  of  iron  or 
steel,  while  similar  products  intended  for  other  uses  re- 
main dutiable  as  well  as  the  materials  from  which  it  is 
manufactured.  More  than  30,000  tons  of  cotton  ties  were 
imported  in  a  single  year  before  the  new  duties  were  im- 
posed. Since  they  were  imposed  the  imports  have  not 
been  500  tons.  About  forty  American  works  have  gone 
into  the  business,  and  have  not  only  supplied  the  entire 
consumption,  but  at  the  end  of  last  season  had  considera- 
ble stocks  over.  Competition  between  them  not  only 
prevents  any  advance  in  price ;  it  has  actually  caused  the 
price  to  decline  below  that  of  two  years  ago.  In  June, 
1890,  makers  were  selling  at  $1. 10  per  bundle  of  50  pounds ; 
in  July,  August  and  September  at  $1.12,  and  a  small  ad- 
vance of  eight  cents  per  bundle  followed  the  new  duties 
in  November  and  December,  but  in  the  same  months  last 
year  the  price  had  fallen  again  to  $1.10  per  bundle,  and 
has  since  gone  below  $1  at  the  same  works.  Thus  there 
is  not  the  shadow  of  excuse  for  pretending  that  consumers 
are  iu  the  slightest  degree  burdened  by  the  new  duties. 
The  only  motive  that  can  exist  for  breaking  down  this 
new  industry,  which  already  aids  in  giving  employment 
to  11,000  hands,  is  either  a  narrow  sectionalism  or  a 
spiteful  desire  to  destroy  every  evidence  that  the  new 
tariff  has  benefited  the  country  without  taxing  con- 
sumers. 

Works  in  Great  Britain,  which  produced  a  large  part  of 
the  ties  used  in  this  country,  have  been  stopped  by  the 
new  American  competitton.  Their  managers 
openly  state  that  they  wait  in  hope  that 
American  voters  will  drive  back  across  the 
ocean  the  new  industry  established  here,  and 
restore  to  the  British  makers  the  large  profits 
they  formerly  enjoyed.  They  indulge  strong  hope 
that  President  Cleveland  and  a  Democratic  Congress  will 
be  elected,  being  assured  that  such  a  result  would  mean 
many  millions  to  them.  Putting  cotton  ties  on  the  free 
list  would  take  from  American  workers,  who  produced 
last  year  over  1,600,000  bundles,  at  least  $1,000,000  in 
wages  which  they  now  expend  in  the  purchase  of  food 
from  farmers,  and  of  clothing  and  other  supplies  from 
American  artisans  and  mechanics,  and  would  send  more 
than  that  sum  each  year  to  Great  Britain  to  the  manu- 
facturers who  are  impatiently  waiting  for  a  Democratic 
victory  in  the  United  States. 

Cotton  Bagging. 

The  proposal  to  put  cotton  bagging  on  the  free  list  was 
merely  an  act  of  favoritism  which  demagogues  thought 
M'ould  benefit  the  cotton-growing  States.  It  had  no  other 
possible  excuse,  and  if  the  committee  had  not  been  igno- 
rant, or  had  not  supposed  the  cotton  growers  ignorant, 
the  proposal  would  never  have  been  made.  But  for  no 
other  or  better  reason  than  this  the  Democrats  of  the 
House  were  willing  to  close  a  large  number  of  American 
works,  and  to  deprive  of  employment  a  multitude  of 

131 


American  operatives,  in  order  to  favor  an  Indian  trust 
wliich  controls  the  mills  at  Calcutta,  and  produces  bag- 
ging with  coolie  labor  at  a  cost  of  less  than  14  cents  per 
day.  To  the  cotton  planter  who  gets  more  per  pound  for 
the  gross  weight  of  his  bales  of  cotton  than  he  pays  for  the 
bagging  included  in  that  weight,  no  reduction  in  the  cost 
of  bagging  is  necessary,  but  under  protective  duties  the 
cost  of  bags  has  been  largely  reduced  by  the  competition 
of  American  w^orks.  An  official  statement  from  the 
Bureau  of  Statistics  (see  Table  E)  shows  the  price  of 
gunny  bags  for  some  months  before  the  new  tariff  was 
enacted  and  down  to  March,  1892.  The  two-pound  bag 
which  cost  8  cents  in  June,  1890,  fell  to  6f  cents  in 
January,  1891,  and  to  6  cents  in  January  and  February, 
1892,  a  decline  of  25  per  cent,  in  two  years.  In  2^-pound 
bags  the  decline  has  been  2^  cents,  and  in  l|-pound  bags 
it  has  been  1|  cents.  In  the  face  of  such  a  cheapening  of 
this  product  under  protective  duties,  the  proposal  to 
abolish  those  duties,  and  depend  upon  coolie  labor  and  the 
Calcutta  trust,  is  eminently  worthy  of  free  traders. 

Lead  Ore. 

Another  bill  passed  by  the  Democratic  House,  July  8— 
165  yeas  to  62  nays— placed  lead  ore  on  the  free  list,  in 
contempt  of  the  interest  of  Western  miners,  whose  votes 
the  Democratic  party  now  seeks.  The  pretext  for  this 
change  was  that  the  Mexican  ore  is  needed  to  smelt  with 
American  ore  as  a  flux,  but  the  testimony  of  experts 
proves  that  there  is  no  such  necessity.  The  true  purpose 
was  to  get  cheap  ore,  mined  by  the  cheapest  Mexican 
labor  at  50  cents  per  day,  to  compete  with  the  ore  mined 
by  citizens  of  this  country,  who  earn  five  times  as  much. 
In  1891  the  importation  of  silver  ore  amounted -to 
271,000,000  pounds,  bearing  15.6  per  cent,  of  lead,  so  that 
more  than  20,000  tons  of  lead  would  thus  have  been 
brought  in  free  of  duty,  the  product  of  Mexican  cheap 
miners,  if  the  Democratic  policy  had  been  in  force.  In 
six  months  of  this  year  26,772,000  pounds  of  lead  con- 
tained in  Mexican  silver  ore  have  been  imported  paying 
the  present  duty,,  and  the  Democratic  party  would  admit 
all  this  ore  free,  to  the  injury  of  American  producers. 


"  We  lead  all  nations  in  agriculture,  we  lead  all  nations 
in  mining,  and  we  lead  all  nations  in  manufacturing. 
These  are  the  trophies  which  we  bring  after  twenty-nine 
years  of  a  Protective  Tariff.  Can  any  other  system 
furnish  such  evidences  of  prosperity  ?  Yet  in 
the  presence  of  such  a  showing  cf  progress  there  are 
men  everywhere  found  who  talk  about  the  restraints  we 
put  upon  trade  and  the  burdens  we  put  upon  the  enter-, 
prise  and  energy  of  our  people.  There  is  no 
country  in  the  world  where  individual 
enterprise  has  such  a  wide  and  varied 
range  and  wliere  the  inventive  genius  of 
man  has  sueli  encouragement." 

—WILLIAM  McKINLEY,  Jr. 

132 


TIN  PLATES  IN  PLENTY. 


Made    by    American    Workmen    In 

American  Shops  of  American 

Plates. 


FORTY-TWO   FACTORIES   ON   THIS 
OFFICIAL  LIST. 


And  It  Constantly  Grows. 


Perhaps  the  least  excusable  of  all  the  tariff  mea«ww«s 
passed  by  the  Democrats  of  the  House  was  the  tin  plate 
bill,  for  which  207  votes  were  cast  July  8th  against  66 
in  the  negative.  This  bill  places  tin  plates  on  the  free 
list.  It  cuts  down  the  duty  after  October  1,  1892,  to  one 
cent  per  pound,  the  old  rate  under  which  not  a  single 
pound  of  tin  plates  had  been  produced,  but  without  any 
discoverable  reason,  postpones  until  October  1,  1894,  the 
entire  abolition  of  all  duties  on  this  product.  As  the  re- 
duction or  the  abolition  of  duty  would  equally  destroy 
the  manufacture  in  this  country,  the  Democratic  majority 
might  as  well  have  voted  to  annihilate  the  industry  at 
once,  without  the  shabby  pretence  of  humane  delay.  Tlie 
thousands  of  American  workingmen  who  would  be 
thrown  out  of  employment  by  the  closing  of  works,  if 
the  duty  should  be  reduced  to  one  cent  per  pound,  might 
better  have  had  fair  warning  to  look  for  their  livelihood 
elsewhere,  with  no  false  hope  that  the  manufacture  could 
endure  for  two  years  longer. 

Tin  Plate  Actually  Reduced  in  Price. 

This  bill  is  the  outgrowth  of  an  impudent  falsehood, 
repeated  so  often  and  so  widely  that  the  Democratic  party 
would  have  been  disgraced,  even  in  the  eyes  of  its  most 
ignorant  adherents,  if  it  had  not  pretended  to  consider  the 
new  duty  on  tin  plates  a  frightful  burden  to  consumers 
which  should  be  removed.  If  that  impudent  lie  had  never 
been  told,  and  if  ignorant  people  by  the  thousand  had  not 
been  persuaded  to  believe  it,  no  party  managed  by  sane 
men  would  have  ventured  to  propose  the  destruction  of  a 
new  industry,  which  has  already  given  employment  to 
many  thousand  hands,  without  imposing  any  tax  whatever 
upon  the  people.  The  cost  of  I.  C.  Coke  Tin  Plates  14x20 
at  New  York  and  at  Liverpool  at  the  dates  named  has 
been : 

N.  Y.  Liverpool. 

Oct.  7,  1890 $5.50  $4.11 

Jan.  1,  1891 5.30  4.23 

July  1,1891 5.30  3.40 

Jan.  1,  1892 5.25  3.08 

Aug.  24,  1892 5.15  2.96 

1Q9 


The  foreign  maker  has  reduced  the  cost  of  plates  sub- 
stantially the  entire  amount  of  the  additional  duty,  which 
is  1.2  CQnts  per  lb.  or  $1.29  per  box,  so  that  the  selling 
price  at  wholesale  in  this  country  is  actually  lower  than 
it  was  when  the  new  tariff  went  into  effect,  or  when  the 
new  tin  plate  duty  took  effect  July  1,  1891.  The  duty 
is  not  added  to  the  cost,  as  Democratic  rea- 
soiiers  stupidly  assert,  but  has  been  taken 
from  his  protit  by  the  Welsh  manufacturer, 
practically  the  wbol©  of  it  in  this  as  in  many 
other  instances.  The  British  price  never  has  been 
as  low  as  it  is  now,  except  for  a  very  short  time  in  the  year 
1886.      • 

It  is  not  denied  that  the  price  had  been  put  up  by  the 
foreign  trust  which  controls  this  manufacture  a  little 
before  the  new  tariff  bill  passed,  so  that  prices  were 
higher  when  it  passed  than  they  had  been  for  some 
months.  But  it  was  this  very  power,  which  the  monopoly 
held  and  mercilessly  exercised,  to  put  up  prices  at  plea- 
sure for  an  article  enormously  consumed  in  this  country, 
which  at  last  exhausted  the  patience  of  the  American 
people,  and  determined  a  Republican  Congress  to  destroy 
the  monopoly  by  creating  the  tin  plate  industry  in  this 
country.  At  one  time  $12.50  was  charged  American  con- 
sumers for  the  same  tin  plates  which  foreign  makers 
now  offer  them  at  $5.15  after  paying  the  additional 
duty  of  $1.29  per  box,  and  in  six  of  the  eleven  years 
prior  to  the  new  duties,  prices  had  been  pushed  higher 
by  the  foreign  mpnopoly  than  they  are  now  with  the  new 
duties  paid. 

Amebioan  "WoRiJS  OP  Unequaled  Excellence. 

When  it  was  proposed  .to  establish  this  new  industry  by 
adequate  duties  for  protection,  free  trade  journals  and 
orators  broke  out  in  a  chorus  of  protestation  that  the 
thing  was  utterly  impossible.  It  has  been  proved 
that  they  did  not  tell  the  truth.  Erected  within  a 
single  year  there  are  in  this  country  works 
which  the  managers  of  establishments  in 
Wales  and  heads  of  the  Welsh  Manufactur- 
ers' Association  who  have  visited  this 
country,  have  publicly  declared  the  finest 
and  most  complete  works  for  the  purpose 
they  have  ever  seen.  The  tin  plate  turned  out 
is  of  such  excellence  that,  as  a  letter  from  the  Record 
Manufacturing  Company  of  Ohio  to  Col.  Ayres  of  the 
Treasury  Department  declares,  it  "  is  far  superior  to 
that  of  foreign  makers,"  owing  to  the  superiority 
of  the  ore  in  this  country  from  which  the  steel  is  made, 
so  that  "during  the  last  month  they  have  not  had  a 
single  sheet  cracked  under  their  dies,  which  is  something 
they  could  never  say  of  the  very  highest  grade  of  foreign 
plates  they  ever  obtained."  Sworn  statements  to  Col. 
Ayres,  agent  of  the  Treasury  Department,  under  the  re- 
quirements of  the  law,  prove  that  during  the  last 
quarter  more  than  8,000,000  pounds  of  tin  plates 
were  made  in  this  country  besides  the  laage  quantity 
for  use  in  stamping  establishments,  and  yet  some 
of  the  works  of  largest  capacity  and  finest  equip- 
ment   have     gone    into    operation    since    that    quarter 

134 


closed,*  and  others  will  soon  commence  work.  The 
official  list  of  conipauies  engaged  in  the  man- 
ufacture of  tin  plates  already  includes  42, 

and,  when  all  are  at  work  to  the  capacity  for  which  j^lants 
are  erected  or  being  erected,  the  production  will  far  ex- 
ceed that  required  b}^  the  law,  for  the  McKinley  act 
provided  that  the  new  duty  should  terminate  unless 
within  six  years  the  American  makers  should  produce  in 
one  year  over  a  third  of  the  tin  plates  imported  and  con- 
.  sumed  in  this  country  in  one  of  the  six  years.  Uuring" 
the  past  year  418  million  pounds  have  been 
imported,  and  the  exports  with  drawback 
have  been  about  150  million  pounds,  so  that 
a  production  of  90  million  pounds  in  any  one 
year  of  the  six  will  meet  the  requirement  of 
the  law.  But  before  the  end  of  the  very  first  year  the 
capacity  of  works  in  operation  exceeded  40  million  pounds 
yearly.  It  would  be  strange  indeed,  in  view  of  the  past 
increase,  if  the  production  for  the  next  year,  the  second 
under  the  new  law,  should  not  exceed  the  required  one- 
third  of  the  past  year's  net  imports,  unless  a  free  trade 
victory  should  arrest  the  progress.  It  is  plain  enough 
that  the  foreign  makers  have  no  longer  a  hope  except  in 
the  friendly  activity  of  the  Democratic  party.  Thus 
"Industries,"  a  London  trade  paper,  of  April  1,  1893, 
says  :    ■ 

"The  statement  made  this  week  that  the  "Ways  and 
Means  Committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  had 
determined  to  recommend  the  passing  of  the  bill  reqently 
introduced  into  that  branch  of  thfe  Legislature,  With  a 
view  to  getting  rid  of  the  duty  of  2^  cents  per  pound  on 
imports  of  tin  plates,  is  one  that  will  come  as  a  great  re- 
lief to  a  very  important  branch  of  the  iron  trade  of  Great 
Britain." 

Cost  to  Consumers. 

The  falsehood  that  Americans  cannot  make  tin  plates 
having  thus  been  buried  out  of  sight  by  their  energy  and 
enterprise,  the  free  traders  next  pretend  that  consumers  in 
this  country  are  paying  an  unjust  tax  for  the  establish- 
ment of  the  new  works.  But  this  untruth  will 
not  live  long.  Out  of  the  418,000,000  pounds  im- 
ported during  the  fiscal  year  just  closed,  about 
150,000,000  pounds  were  used  in  the  manufacture  of  cans 
exported,  on  which  a  drawback  of  99  per  cent,  of  the  duty 
is  allowed,  so  that  there  was  practically  no  added  cost  to 
the  American  consumers.  A  large  portion  of  the  remain- 
ing 268,000,000  pounds  is  consumed  in  roofing  or  the  man- 
ufacture of  cans  and  other  articles  for  use  in  this  country, 
the  consuming  manufacturers  buying  at  the  wholesale 
prices  already  (Quoted,  so  that  they  are  actually  paying 
less  than  they  paid  in  October,  1890,  when  the  new  tariff 
became  a  law,  and  less  than  they  paid  in  July,  1891,  when 
the  tin  plate  duty  went  into  effect.  If  they  have 
charged  more  for  cans  and  other  articles  of 
tin  produced  by  them,  they  have  plundered 
the  consumers  without  proper  excuse.  The  re- 
maining portion,  certainly  less  than  a  third  of  the  entire 
consumption,  has  gone  into  tin  ware  for  the  use  of  the 
people,  and  it  is  demonstrable  that,  if  retail  prices  of  such 
ware  have  been  increased,  it  has  been  without  justifica- 
tion. 

135 


Prices  of  Tinware. 

The  foreign  monopolists  and  the  inainifacturcrs  have 
had  a  fine  time  charging  Americans  for  tinware  tv^o  or 
three  times  the  cost,  and  it  is  well  tliat  consumers  should 
have  their  turn.  The  tin  dinner  puil,  about  which  free- 
trade  orators  have  wailed  so  loudly,  cost  the  manufact- 
urer 27  cents  each,  the  old  duty  paid,  and  weighs  two 
pounds  twelve  ounces,  so  that  the  additional  duty  would 
amount  to  3.3  cents  per  pail.  Thus  the  entire  cost,  with 
the  new  duty  paid,  will  be  only  30.3  cents,  but  the  retail 
price  of  this  same  pail  has  been  50  cents.  The  profits 
after  pajing  the  old  duty  were  23  cents,  and  after  paying 
the  new  duty  would  be  19.7  cents— more  than  60  per 
cent.  A  trader  who  refuses  to  sell  at  a  60  per  cent  profit, 
and  demands  a  higher  price  from  customers  on  account 
of  the  3.3  cents  duty  lie  has  to  pay,  deserves  to  be  set  be- 
fore the  people  in  his  true  light,  for  in  that  case  the  ad- 
ditional charge  is  not  because  of  the  tariff,  but  because  lie 
is  an  extortionist. 

This  is  not,  by  any  means,  the  worst  illustration  of  the 
same  character.  The  half-pint  cup,  •vvliich  would  cost  1.4 
cents  each  with  the  new  duty  paid,  retails  at  some  places  for 
5  cents,  the  profit  being  3.6  cents,  or  more  than  200  per 
cent.  What  have  customers  to  say  of  the  dealer  who  tries 
to  jnake  them  pay  more,  because  his  cup  costs  him  1.4 
cents  instead  of  1  cent  each  ?  In  Table  F  are  given  de- 
tails of  24  kinds  of  tinware,  the  actual  cost  of  eacli  at 
wholesale,  and  the  Qiost  of  each  with  the  old  duty  paid, 
the  weight  of  each  article,  and  the  cost  with  the  new  duty 
of  1.2  cents  per  pound  added,  and  the  retail  price  actually 
charged.  On  only  8  of  the  24  articles  is  the  retail  profit  less 
than  100  per  cent,  after  paying  the  whole  of  the  new  duty. 
On  one  other  it  is  90  per  cent.  ;  on  two  others  80  per  cent.  ; 
on  one  only  70  per  cent. ;  on  one  only  60  per  cent,  and  on 
two  others  58  per  cent.  There  remains  only  one  article  in 
the  entire  list  on  which  the  payment  of  the  whole  new  duty 
would  bring  down  the  retail  profit  below  58  per  cent.  If 
the  price  is  raised  in  such  cases,  it  is  not  in  the  slightest 
degree  due  to  the  tariff,  but  only  to  the  disposition  of  men 
who  want  more  than  58  per  cent,  profit. 

It  ought  to  be  known  to  consumers  that  there  are  some 
retail  dealers,  happily  by  no  means  the  majority,  who  do 
extort  where  they  can  additional  prices  on  the  pretense 
that  the  new  duty  makes  the  charge  necessary.  If  they 
do,  it  is,  in  almost  every  instance,  in  order  to  swell  retail 
profits  which  are  already  greater  than  the  facts  warrant. 
But  the  investigation  of  retail  prices  by  the  Senate  Finance 
Committee  demonstrated  that  comparatively  tew  of 
the  many  hundred  traders  visited  were 
makiiigr  a-ny  higher  charg-e  for  tinware  than 
they  had  made  before  the  new  tariff  was 
imposed.  The  average  of  retail  prices  was  but  slightly 
raised  on  such  articles,  less  than  it  would  have  been  had 
only  half  the  dealers  added  but  a  single  cent  to  the  price. 
Within  a  short  time,  when  American  workers  are  supply- 
ing tin  freely,  there  will  be  found  not  even  the  shadow  of 
an  excuse  for  such  extortion. 

If  Democratic  free  traders  let  this  industry  alone,  it 
sR,  will  soon   save   the   people   of  this  country 

H  more  than  $20,000,000  yearly  which  they 

130 


have  been  seiicliii^  abroad  for  the  products 
of  British  labor.  (See  Table  G.)  Expended  hero 
by  American  workiugmen,  that  sum  would  add  to  the  de, 
mand  for  products  of  farms  and  shops  throughout  the 
country.  It  is  cheaper  always  to  keep  our  own  people  at 
work  than  to  be  forced  to  supply  them  in  idleness  and  dis- 
content, while  millions  in  money  go  abroad  to  support  the 
industries  of  other  countries. 

A  Foreign,  Not  an  American,  Policy. 

Such  has  been  the  tariff  policy  which  Democrats  have 
ventured  this  year  to  disclose  to  the  people.  At  every 
point  hostile  to  the  growth  and  development  of  American 
industries  ;  at  every  point  calculated  to  benefit  foreign 
manufacturers  and  traders  rather  than  American  work- 
iugmen ;  at  every  point  tending  to  bring  American  labor 
into  competition  with  the  lowest  grade  of  labor  in  other 
countries — with  the  coolies  of  the  far  East  and  the  pauper 
labor  of  Europe  ;  designed  to  strike  down  and  destroy 
those  very  industries  which  have  made  most  notable 
progress  within  the  past  two  years,  and  at  not  a  single 
point  justified  by  a  prospect  of  saving  anything  for  Amer- 
ican consumers.  It  is  not  only  blundering^  and 
ignorant,  spiteful  and  sectional,  but  distinctly 
unpatriotic.  In  every  sense  it  is  a  foreign,  and  not  an 
American,  policy.  It  can  have  no  intelligent  aim,  except 
to  enrich  other  countries  at  the  expense  of  our  own  ;  to 
turn  thousands  of  Americans  out  of  profitable  employ- 
ment that  foreign  manufacturers  and  monopolists  may  be 
rewarded  for  their  intense  sympathy  with  the  Democratic 
party  and  candidate. 


Sir.  John    Macdonald    Shows    How    American    Protection 
Works. 

{From  a  Speech  in  the  Canadian  Parliameni  by  Sir  John 
A.  Macdonald,  Premier.) 

Suppose  a  man  has  100  acres  on  the  Canadian  side  of 
the  line  and  100  acres  of  land  on  the  American  side  of 
the  line.  Suppose  he- r grows  1,000  bushels  of  barley  on 
each  of  his  farms.  He  takes  his  1,000  American  bushels 
to  the  American  market  and  gets  %\  a  bushel  for  it.  He 
takes  his  1,000  bushels  of  Canadian  barley  to  the 
American  market  and  gets  but  85  cents  per  bushel, 
because  he  has  to  pay  15  cents  duty  for  takinj^ 
it  across  the  line.  How  can  it,  in  this  dtise,  be  said 
that  tlie  consumer  pays  the  duty?  It  conies  out  of 
the  pockets  of  the  Canadian  farmers, 
137 


PROTECTION  AND  EXPORTS. 


Official   Treasury  Statistics  Preying 

that  the  Country  Sells  Yastly 

More  Under  Protection 


THAN    UNDER    ANY    OTHER    POSSIBLE 
SYSTEM. 


Startling  Treasury  Tables. 


For  fifty  years  it  has  been  the  cry  of  free  traders  that 
protection  would  suppress  exports.  It  would  stop  buy- 
ing foreign  products  by  Americans,  and,  therefore,  theo- 
rists said,  would  necessarily  stop  the  buying  of  American 
products  by  foreigners,  since  nations  must,  in  the  long 
run,  buy  goods  with  goods.  Such  has  been  the  free-trade 
theory.  It  was  enticing,  but  it  does  not  fit  the  facts. 
Those  who  know  anything  of  foreign  trade  are  aware  that 
the  exports  of  domestic  products  have  been  much  larger 
during  the  past  thirty  years  than  before,  but  there  are 
very  few  who  realize  how  astonishing  tlie  increase 
has  been. 

Since  the  protective  policy  went  into  effect  in  1861 
there  have  been  30  years  of  undisturbed  operation  of  that 
policy,  which  may  be  contrasted  in  official  reports 
of  the  Treasury  with  the  preceding  71  years  under 
various  forms  of  tariff.  During  nearly  all  the  preceding 
period  the  tariffs  were  either  for  revenue  only,  in  accord- 
ance with  Democratic  theories,  or  in  the  nature  of  com- 
promise, or  but  partially  protective.  The  aggregate  of 
domestic  exports,  as  tables  which  follow  will  show,  for 
101  years  ending  with  1890  was  $21,692,739,844, 
of  which  $15,639,818,791  were  during  tJie 
thirty  years  of  protection  ending-  with  1890, 
while  the  aggregate  of  exports  during  the  71  years  ending 
with  1860  were  only  $6,052,921,053.  A  stronger 
comparison  still  may  be  made  if  the  10  years,  which  in- 
cluded the  Civil  War,  the  first  decade  under  the  present 
protective  policy,  be  omitted  on  the  ground  that  the  full 
force  of  that  policy  was  in  a  measure  defeated  by  the  dis- 
turbances during  and  connected  with  the  war,  and  by  the 
great  depreciation  of  the  currency.  For  81  years 
ending  witli  1870  the  total  value  of  domestic  exports 
from  this  country  was  $8,442,396,861,  while  for 
only  20  years  ending  with  1890  the  value  was  $13,250,- 
348,983,  an  increase  of  about  57  per  cent. 

Comparisons  Showing  Wondeeful  Results. 

The  tables,  shown  on  pages  238  to  263,  present  a  summary 
of  the  official  record  of  important  domestic  exports  for 
one  year  more  than  a  century, though  in  some  cases,  where 
the  exports  of  a  particular  product  were  so  small,  during 

138 


the  earlier  years  of  the  century,  that  no  oflacial  record  of 
the  quantity  or  value  was  made.  But  as  the  test  by  values 
of  property  exported  is  liable  to  be  deceptive,  since  with 
declining  prices  the  exports  of  a  larger  quantity  may  ap- 
pear to  show  no  increase  whatever  in  value,  unless  the 
quantity  marketed  in  foreign  countries  has  increased  as 
much  as  the  product  declined  in  price,  the  comparisons 
are  made  whenever  it  is  possible  in  quantities  of  various 
products  exported.  In  many  items,  for  obvious  reasons, 
a  comparison  by  quantities  is  not  possible. 

How  Southern  Plantees  Have  Fared  Under  Protection. 

These  tables  show  an  astonishing  increase  in  the  exports 
of  some  of  the  most  important  products.  More  cotton 
has  gone  abroad  during  the  last  twenty-two 
years  under  Protection,  41,362,000,000  lbs., 
than  in  the  previous  sixty  years  under  all 
tariffs,  30,108,000,000  lbs.  This  does  not  sus- 
tain the  claim  that  Protection  has  in  any  way  tended  to 
close  the  world's  markets  against  the  products  of  Southern 
planters.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  exports  during  the 
last  two  fiscal  years  have  been  far  greater  than  the  aver- 
age for  any  previous  decade. 

Grain  Growers  and  the  Tariff. 

Again,  the  exports  of  breadstuffs  in  20  years  under 
Protection  have  been  $3,147,000,000  in  value,  but 
in  the  previous  50  years  were  only  $1,260,000,000 
in  value.  In  the  last  two  fiscal  years  the  exports  have 
been  in  value  427  millions,  fully  a  third  greater  than 
the  average  in  any  previous  decade.  The  exports  of  wheat 
in  22  years  under  Protection  were  1,713  million 
bushels,  but  in  60  preceding  years  they  were  only  292 
million  bushels,  and  the  last  two  years  show  an  average 
of  106  million  bushels  a  year,  against  83  million 
bushels  yearly  in  the  previous  decade,  66  million  bushels 
in  the  decade  1871-80,  22  million  bushels  in  the  decade 
1861-70,  and  only  5^  million  bushels  yearly  in  any  decade 
prior  to  the  Protective  tariff  of  1861.  The  exports  of  flour 
in  the  last  22  years  have  been  162  million  barrels, 
but  in  the  previous  50  years  were  only  97  million 
barrels ;  in  the  last  22  years  the  average  has  been  13  mill- 
ion barrels  yearly,  9^  million  barrels  yearly  in  the  previous 
decade,  and  less  than  3  million  barrels  in  any  decade  prior 
to  the  tariff  of  1861.  The  exports  of  corn  in  22  years  have 
been  1,215  million  bushels,  but  in  81  years  preceding 
they  were  only  250  million  bushels.  The  average  for 
the  last  two  years  was  51^  million  bushels  yearly,  and  a 
little  larger  in  each  of  the  two  previous  decades,  but  only 
5  million  bushels  yearly  in  any  decade  prior  to  1861.  No 
man,  in  the  face  of  these  facts,  can  claim  that 
Protection  has  closed  the  world's  markets  to 
the  products  of  American  grain  growers. 

How  Animal  Products  Have  Been  Sold. 

Exports  of  animals  and  products  of  animals  have  enor- 
mously increased.  The  number  of  cattle  exported  in  two 
years,  769,000  head,  is  greater  than  the  number  in 

139 


I 


seventy  years  ending  with  1870,  494,000  head,  while 
in  twenty  years,  ending  with  1890,  the  number  was 
3,389,000  head.  Exports  of  bacon  and  hams  have 
averaged  for  the  past  two  years  592  iiiillioii  pounds 
yearly ;  in  the  previous  decade  457  millions ;  in  the 
decade  ending  with  1880,  418  millions ;  and  in  the  decade 
ending  with"  1870  only  76  millions ;  the  aggregate  in 
twenty-two  years  has  been  9,935  million  pounds,  while  in 
eighty-one  previous  years  it  was  only  1,263  million 
pounds.  Exports  of  lard  have  averaged  for  two  years 
past  479  million  pounds  yearly,  310  millions  in  the 
previous  decade,  and  233  millions  in  the  decade  ending 
with  1880,  but  were  not  33  million  pounds  yearly  in  any 
decade  prior  to  1861.  In  twenty-two  years  under 
Protection  the  aggregnte  has  been  G,391 
million  pounds,  but  in  eighty-one  years  pre- 
ceding it  was  only  1,490  million  pounds. 
These  figures  show  clearly  that  the  marketing  of  Amer- 
ican animal  products  has  not  been  checked  byProtection. 

DaIEY  FARMEB8  NeED  NOT  WoEEY. 

Exports  of  dairy  products  have  for  two  years  been 
about  tiv6  times  as  great  as  the  average  in  any  decade 
under  free  trade — 15  million  pounds  yearly  for  butter 
against  nearly  19  millions  and  15  millions  in  the  two 
previous  decades,  but  only  3,600,000  yearly  in  any  decade 
prior  to  1861.  In  twenty- two  years  tlie  aggre- 
gate has  been  371  million  pounds  against 
253  million  pounds  in  the  seventy  previous 
years.  Exports  of  cheese  have  averaged  for  two  years 
82  million  pounds  yearly,  and  in  the  previous  decade  104 
millions,  and  in  the  decade  1871-80  about  100  millions, 
but  averaged  only  nine  millions  in  any  decade  prior  to 
1860.  In  twenty-two  years  tlie  aggregate  has 
been  2,205  million  pounds  against  657 
million  pounds  in  the  previous  eighty-tone 
years.  Assuredly  the  dairy  farmers  do  not  find  the 
world's  markets  closed  to  their  markets  by  Protection. 

Petroleum  Is  All  Right. 

Exports  of  petroleum  have  commenced  since  the  Pro- 
tective tariff  of  1861  was  enacted,  and  have  cut  off  to 
some  extent  the  former  exports  of  whale  and  other  oils. 
But  of  all  kinds  of  oils  sent  abroad  prior  to  1861  the 
quantity  was  but  105  million  gallons.  In  thirty  years 
since  1861  the  quantity  has  been  8,865  million  gallons.  In 
the  last  two  years  the  quantity  of  petroleum 
alone  has  averaged  712  million  gallons 
yearly,  against  about  540  million  gallons 
yearly  for  the  previous  decade,  so  that  the  world's 
markets  are  not  closed  to  this  product,  but  are  demand- 
ing it  in  increased  quantity. 

We  Sell  Some  Tobacco,  Too. 

Exports  of  tobacco  cannot  be  exactly  compared  in 
quantity,  but  for  the  past  twenty-two  years  have  averaged 
about  250  million  pounds  yearly,  and  in  no  decade  prior  to 
1861  did  the  export  average  more  than  about  160  million 

140 


pouHds  yearly.  Against  about  $20,000,000 
yearly,  during  the  past  twenty  years,  the 
value     before    the    war   was   in   no   decade 

$15,000,000  yearly.  Exports  of  turpentine  now 
average  over  13,000,000  gallons,  in  the  last  decade  about 
9,500,000  gallons  yearly,  and  never  before  the  war  as 
much  as  2,000,000  gallons  yearly. 

It  is  a  favorite  theory  of  free  traders  that  exports  of 
manufactured  products  have  been  checked  by  Protection, 
because  it  has  increased  the  cost  of  production,  it  is 
claimed,  ^making  American  products  more  costly  than 
similar  products  of  other  countries.  But  a  few  compari- 
sons from  the  official  record  suffice  to  prove  that  this  no- 
tion is  as  false  as  other  free-trade  theories.  In  the  follow- 
ing tables  the  values  or  quantities  prior  to  1861  are  stated 
in  the  first  column  ;  the  values  or  quantities  in  thirty 
years— 1861-1890 — under  Protection  in  the  second  col- 
umn, and  the  values  or  quantities  for  the  last  two  fiscal 
years  in  the  third  column. 

Exports  of  Manufaotitrkd  Products. 


Agricultural  Implements. 

Brooms  and  Brushes 

Carriages 

Cars,  Kallroad,  number.. . 

Chemicals , 

Clocks.., , 

Watches 

Coal,  Anthracite,  tons.... 

CoalKBltumlnous,  tons 

Copper  and  manufactures. 

Cotton,  manufactures 

Earthenware 

Fertilizers 

Glassware 

Hemp  and  Flax,manuf  actures 
India-rubber,  manufactures. . 
Iron  and  steel,  manufactures 

Lead,  manufactures 

Leather,  manufactures. 

Musical  Instru:nents 

on  Cake 

Paints  and  Colors 

Paper  and  manufactures 

Soap,  pounds 

Spirits,  gallons 

Sugar,  Refined,  pounds. 

Tobacco,  manufactures 

Trunks,  etc 


Up  to  1861. 


$^317,349 
$6,448,116 

'^8,498,96i 


1,147,343 

$9,437,730 

$150,681,203 

$626,480 


$3,&41,299 
$4,097,565 
$3,899,204 

$58,827,492 
$701,540 

$21,635,556 
$l,a80,727 
$7,307,309 
$2,371,209 
$3,708,012 

236,510,077 
70,298,352 

106,550,540 

$31,978,223 
$485,146 


1861-90. 


$59,740,695 

$4,777,4)82 

$27,389,296 

25,179 

$117,706,295 

$25,475,414 

$2,756,681 

10,958,032 

10,029,613 

$90,399,193 

$245,039,692 

$3,090,366 

$18,146,219 

$22,173,853 

$34,940,346 

$11,522,953 

$4*4,551,766 

$3,495,388 

$173,694,139 

$18,492,356 

$138,739,262 

$11,198,256 

$25,879,170 

346,467,078 

130,067,428 

1,144,851,258 

$84,481,13^3 

$4,230,405 


1891-2. 


$7,014,113 

$331,719 

$3,960,040 

5,582 

$13,239,209 

$2,325,330 

$484,450 

1,735,346 

3,172,466 

$11,840,989 

$23,026,069 

$396,957 

$4,839,394 

$1,810,676 

$3,503,403 

$2,652,510 

$57,710,544 

$348,490 

$25,363,628 

$2,491,045 

$17,165,298 

$1,400,555 

$2,681,420 

49,901,136 

5,2.55,802 

122,833,228 

$8,856,093 

$374,324 


Protection  Does  Not  Close  Foreign  Markets. 

In  many  cases  it  will  be  seen  that  the  exports  duringf 
the  last  two  fiscal  years  have  been  larger  or 
about  as  large  as  the  exports  during  the  71 
years  before  the  War,  Thus,  in  agricultural  imple- 
ments, brooms  and  brushes,  railroad  cars,  clocks  and 
watches,  anthracite  and  bituminous  coal,  copper  and  its 
manufactures,  leather  and  its  manufactures,  fertilizers, 
musical  instruments,  oil  cake  and  refined  sugar,  the  ex- 
ports were  actually  greater  in  two  years  under  Protection 
Uiau  in  71  years  before  the  enactment  of  the  Protective 


HI 


Tariff  of  1861.  In  iron  and  steel  manufacture  there  was 
nearly  as  great  a  value  of  exports  in  two  years  as  in  the 
entire  period  before  the  War,  and  also  in  flax  and  hemp 
manufactures,  rubber  manufactures,  paints  and  colors, 
paper  and  its  manufactures,  and  trunks  and  valises.  In 
all  other  cases  the  enormous  increase  in  recent  years  un- 
der Protection  is  sufi-jiently  shown  by  contrasting  the 
quantities  and  values  .or  only  two  years  with  the  quanti- 
ties or  values  for  the  whole  period  prior  to  the  War,  as  in 
carriages,  chemicals,  cotton  manufactures,  earthenware, 
glassware,  lead  manufactures,  soap,  spirits,  and  tobacco 
manufactures. 

The  vast  increase  of  exports  under  Protection  demon- 
strates beyond  the  possibility  of  dispute  that  the  free 
trader  does  not  tell  the  truth  when  he  pretends 
that  Protection  so  enhances  the  cost  of  production  as  to 
depress  and  cripple  American  industries  in  comparison 
with  those  of  other  countries.  It  proves  that  they  do  not 
tell  the  truth  when  they  pretend  that  Protection,  by  re- 
stricting imports,  closes  the  markets  of  other  countries 
against  the  products  of  the  United  States. 


143 


MAGIC  RECIPROCITY. 


It  Sayes  Nearly  Sixty  Million  Dollars 

of  Taxation,  and  Adds  Tliirty 

Millions  to   American 

Exports. 


IT  IS  A  PRACTICAL  BUSINESS  MEASURE. 


But  Democrats  Oppose  it. 


Reciprocity  is  the  compliment  of  a  protective  tariff.  Both 
are  policies  based  on  the  fact  that  the  American  market 
is  the  most  valuable  market  in  the  world.  The  American 
people  are  consumers  to  an  amount  vastly  greater  than  the 
consumption  of  the  entire  continent  of  Europe,  and  Re- 
publican statesmen  hold  to  the  theory  :  First,  that  this 
great  and  immensely  wealthy  market  should 
be  as  far  as  possible  reserved  for  the  benefit 
of  American  producers,  and,  Second,  that  for- 
eigners who  are  admitted  to  enjoy  its  enor- 
mous advantages  should  be  compelled  to  give 
corresponding  advantages  in  return,  either  by 
helping  to  defray  the  burdens  of  government  or  through 
reciprocity  to  supply  their  own  needs  from  American  pro- 
ducers. 

It  is  constantly  claimed  by  Democratic  free-trade  the- 
orists that  the  Republican  Party  is  opposed^  a  foreign 
trade.  This  claim  is  made,  as  is  almost  eve^  other  ad- 
vanced by  free  traders,  in  wanton  and  grotesque  defiance 
of  the  statistics  of  our  foreign  trade.  The  imports  and 
exports  of  the  United  States  during  the  period  since  1860, 
which  is  the  period  wherein  the  Republican  policy  of  Pro- 
tection has  been  continuously  pursued,  are  greater 
than  they  were  from  the  foundation  of  the 
Government  until  that  time.  Protection  has 
thus  been  consistent  with  the  growth  of  a  foreign  trade  as 
enormous  as  it  is  confusing  to  Democratic  doctrinaires. 
But  the  Republican  Party  believes  in  progressive  states- 
manship. Glorious  as. its  past  has  been,  it  appeals  to 
the  people,  not  with  reminiscence  so  much  as  with  new 
policies  for  the  advancement  and  prosperity  of  the  Nation. 
Of  these  none  is  more  conspicuous,  more  impressive, 
more  practical,  or  more  popular  than  the  new  policy  of 
Reciprocity  with  the  nations  of  Latin  America. 

Balance  of  Trade  Against  Us. 

Our  situation  with  respect  to  the  vast  trade  of  these 
Southern  countries  is  unique,  and  it  is  from  this  excep- 
tional situation  that  the  possibility  of  Reciprocity  pro- 
ceeds. The  principal  productions  of  these  countries  are 
sugar,  molasses,  colTee  and  hides ;  and  of  these  products 
the  American  people  have  been  for  many  years  the  prin- 

143 


cipal  consumers.  But  while  we  have  purchased  of  Latin 
America  so  enormously  that  we  have  long  since  become 
its  best  and  chief  customer,  its  supplies  have  been  drawn 
mainly  from  Europe.  Of  the  food  stuffs  and  manufac- 
tures necessary  to  its  existence,  it  produces  substantially 
nothing.  Everything  it  needs  in  the  way  of  food  stuffs, 
clothing,  house-furnishing  goods,  machinery,  and  other 
goods  in  common  and  necessary  use  among  the  people,  is 
brought  from  abroad,  and  the  United  States  have  hitherto 
supplied  it  with  only  a  small  and  insignificent  proportion 
of  this  demand. 

Our  trade  with  Brazil  illustrates  this  fact :  For  the  ten 
years  preceding  the  year  1890  we  had  received  of  Brazil's 
goods  and  products  $502,547,258,  and  had  sent  to  Brazil 
American  products  amounting  in  value  to  only  f  83,432.- 
557.  The  balance  against  us,  aniountingr  to 
more  than  $400,000,000,  had  been  paid  by 
us  to  Brazil  in  gold,  and  our  gold  had  gone  to 
Europe  in  the  shape  of  bills  of  exchange,  there 
to  be  paid  by  its  Brazillian  owners  in  the  pur- 
chase of  English,  French  and  German  pro- 
ducts. 

A  further  illustration  is  supplied  by  the  figures  o  ourf 
trade  with  Cuba.  Every  year  during  the  last  decade  we 
have  taken  from  Cuba  goods  to  the  value  of  $52,000,000, 
and  have  returned  our  goods  to  the  value  of  no  more  than 
$11,000,000. 

The  Reoipeocitt  Peoposition. 

Republican  statesmanship  has  found  a  cure  for  this  un- 
reciprocal  condition  of  trade.  The  supplies  these  nations 
have  purchased  in  Europe  are  in  a  large  measure  such  as 
we  are  now  prepared  to  furnish  and  at  rates  that  would 
enable  us  to  compete  with  Europe  if  once  the  trade  was 
turned  our^^py.  The  problem  which  the  Harrison  Ad- 
ministratio^ias  solved  is  the  problem  of  turning  it.  We 
have  said  to  Cuba,  Brazil  and  all  other  countries  produc- 
ing sugar,  molasses,  coffee  and  hides :  If  you  want  us 
to  continue  to  buy  your  products,  you  must 
increase  largely  your  purchases  of  us  ;  if  you 
want  us  to  give  you  a  free  and  favored  ent- 
rance into  our  markets,  you  must  consent  to 
give  us  a  free  and  favored  entrance  into 
yours  ;  we  are  willing  to  buy  of  you,  as  we  have  been 
doing  substantially,  all  the  sugar,  molasses,  coffeeand  hides 
you  can  produce ;  our  people  want  these  goods  and  are  will- 
ing to  take  them  and  pay  liberally  for  them ;  but  we  are  not 
willing  to  leave  your  goods  untaxed  at  our  custom  houses 
while  our  goods  are  being  unconscionably  taxed  in  yours. 
It  is  unfair  that  we  should  spend  with  Brazil  nearly  $60, 000,- 
000  a  year  and  receive  from  Brazil  only  eleven  millions  ; 
with  the  West  Indies  nearly  eighty-three  millions  and  re- 
ceive only  thirty-five  millions ;  with  Venezuela  nearly  eleven 
millions  and  receive  only  four  millions;  with  Mexico 
nearly  twenty-three  millions  and  receive  only  thirteen 
millions,  and  with  all  the  principal  southern  countries  of 
Latin-America  nearly  two  hundred  millions,  while  receiv- 
ing less  than  ninety-one  millions.  These  conditions  must 
improve  a^nd  you  must  give  us  special  advantages  in 
your  markets  for  the  special  advantages  we  give  you  in 


144 


Conditions  of  Southern  Trade. 

It  is  important  to  remember  these  as  the  essential  facts 
relating  to  South  American  trade  as  it  existed  before  the 
adoption  of  the  Reciprocity  policy. 

First.  That  we  purchased  a  much  larger  proportion  of 
their  products  than  any  other  country.  In  many  instances, 
as  in  that  of  Cuba  and  Brazil,  we  purchased  more  than  all 
the  other  countries  put  together.  Ninety  per  cent,  of 
Cuba's  entire  exportation,  and  sixty  per  cent,  of  Brazil's, 
are  consumed  by  the  American  people. 

Second.  That,  although  their  imports  -consisted  chiefly 
of  agricultural  and  food  products,  machinery  and  the 
cheaper  lines  of  dry  goods,  all  of  which  we  can  supply  as 
cheaply  as  or  cheaper  than  any  competing  nation,  they  were 
being  drawn  almost  wholly  from  Europe  and  from  countries 
which  did  not  buy  in  anything  like  the  proportion  of  our 
purchases.  In  other  words,  the  Latin  American  countries 
sold  their  goods  to  us  and  bought  exchange  on  London, 
thus  drawing  our  gold  to  Europe  for  the  pur- 
chase oftlieir  supplies. 

Third.  That  the  chief  reasons  for  this  inequitable  trade 
were  a  lack  of  quick,  direct  and  regular  steamship  trans- 
portation between  our  ports  and  those  of  Latin  America, 
a  lack  of  banking  facilities  and  a  lack  of  knowledge  on 
the  part  of  our  merchants  of  the  conditions  of  trade  there, 
especially  with  regard  to  the  character  of  goods  desired 
and  the  nature  of  the  tariff  duties  exacted  upon  them  at 
the  port  of  import. 


The  Trade  Is  Ours  Already. 


It  will  not  do  at  this  point  to  omit  a  reference  to  the 
charge  of  the  Free  Traders  that  the  American  Tariff  is  re- 
sponsible for  our  feeble  export  trade  with  South  America. 
The  Free  Trader  has  got  so  in  the  habit  of  charging  all  of 
the  disorders  of  society  upon  Protection  that  were  the 
plagues  of  Egypt  to  befall  us,  he  would  undoubtedly  insist 
that  they  were  due  to  Protection  and  might  easily  be  dis- 
sipated by  the  adoption  of  a  Mills  Bill.  The  way  he  puts 
his  point  about  our  South  American  trade  is  that  we 
charge  such  high  duties  on  raw  materials  as  to  be  unable 
to  produce  in  competition  with  European  countries.  You 
can't  have  an  export  trade,  he  says,  if  you  won't  take  an 
import  trade.  But  in  this  case,  as  the  facts  show,  we  do 
have  the  import  trade,  and  therefore  his  con- 
dition is  supplied,  but  we  don't  get  the  export 
trade,  and  therefore  his  statement  of  cause 
and  eftect  is  plainly  erroneous.  Moreover,  the 
goods  demanded  by  the  South  Americans  are  of  kinds 
that  are  not  in  the  least  affected  by  our  tariff. 
They  want  chiefly  goods  of  which  we  are  already  enorm- 
ous exporters.  Their  demand  is  for  flour,  petroleum, 
bacon,  salted  fish,  cheap  cotton  goods,  and  those  classes 
of  machinery  that  we  export  even  to  England,  France  and 
Germany.  Our  Consular  officers  at  South  American  ports 
are  continually  informing  the  State  Department  of  large 
shipments  of  American  goods  to  South  American  coun- 
tries by  way  of  Europe,  dishonestly  labeled  as  Spanish, 
English,  German  or  French  goods. 

145 


Demooeatio  Praise  of  Reoipeooity. 

The  circumstances  under  which  the  Reciprocity  policy 
was  proposed  furnish  a  curious  commentary  upon  the 
sincerity  of  Democratic  statesmen.  Reciprocity  was  the 
result  of  an  extended  investigation  by  Secretary  Blaine 
into  the  statistics  of  our  South  American  trade.  He  was 
conducting  that  investigation  while  other  Republican 
statesmen  in  Congress  were  contriving  the  McKinley  Bill. 
The  basis  of  the  scheme  for  the  reduction  of  revenue,  as 
designed  by  Speaker  Reed  and  Congressman  McKinley, 
was  the  placing  of  sugar  on  the  free  list. .  In  1889  we  had 
received  as  revenue  drawn  from  the  sugar  duty  $54,896,- 
437-  The  framers  of  the  McKinley  Bill  proposed  that  this 
enormous  sum  should  be  hereafter  remitted  to  the  people, 
and  that  sugar  should  come  into  American  ports  free  of  all 
revenue  taxes. 

But  here  their  plan  conflicted  with  Secretary  Blaine's. 
He  quite  agreed  that  the  American  people  ought  to  have 
free  sugar,  but  he  urged  that  by  the  adoption  of  his  Re- 
ciprocity idea  tliey  could  obtain  free  siigrar  and 
something  more  besides,  namely,  the  free  en- 
try into  South  American  markets  of  Ameri- 
can products  now  havily  taxed.  He  reminded 
Congress  that  it  had  provided  free  entry  into  Ameri- 
can ports  of  tea,  coffee,  rubber,  and  other  Oriental 
and  equatorial  products,  of  which  we  were  enormous 
consumers  but  insignificant  producers.  He  suggested 
that  instead  of  giving  our  market  without  price  to  the 
producers  of  these  articles,  we  ought  to  have  required 
them  in  return  for  such  a  valuable  privilege  to  give  us 
reciprocal  advantages.  For  a  brief  moment  it  appeared 
as  if  there  were  a  sharp  controversy  between  President 
Harrison  and  Mr.  Blaine,  representing  the  Administration, 
and  the  Republican  Statesmen  in  Congress,  who  were 
framing  the  new  tariff.  The  Democrats  hailed  this  sup- 
posed controversy  with  intense  delight ;  they  lauded  Mr, 
Blaine  and  Reciprocity  to  the  seventh  heaven ;  they  said 
that  Reciprocity  was  the  greatest  invention  of  American 
statesmanship.  Of  course  it  was,  but  they  found  their 
admission  all  too  previous  and  all  too  dangerous.  For 
soon  it  developed  that,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  there  was  no 
controversy  at  all  between  the  Administration  and  Con- 
gress and  that  the  Republican  leaders  in  both  depart- 
ments of  the  Government  were  entirely  agreed  upon  a 
plan  by  which  the  American  people  could  obtain  free 
sugar  at  once  and  at  tlie  same  time  carry  out  the  Ad- 
ministration's policy  of  Reciprocity. 

This  fact  appeared  by  the  introduction  of  an  amend- 
ment to  the  McKinley  bill  declaring  that  the  remissions  of 
duty  upon  sugar,  molasses,  coffee,  tea  and  hides  were 
made  ' '  with  a  view  to  secure  reciprocal  trade  with  coun- 
tries producing  "  those  articles,  and  providing  that,  when- 
ever the  President  shall  be  satisfied  that  reciprocal  favors 
are  not  granted  to  the  products  of  the  United  States  in  the 
countries  referred  to,  "he  shall  have  the  power,  and  it 
shall  be  his  duty,"  to  impose  upon  the  articles  mentioned, 
the  products  of  the  countries  concerned,  the  rates  of  duty 
set  forth  in  the  general  act. 


146 


Demooeatio  Abuse  of  Reciprocity. 

Immediately  the  Democrats  concluded  that  Reciprocity 
was  a  humbug ;  that  it  had  no  virtue  whatever ;  that 
Mr.  Blaine,  instead  of  being  a  great  statesman,  was  a 
tricky,  shifty  politician,  and  that  his  idea,  instead  of 
being  the  greatest  invention  of  American  statesmanship, 
was  nothing  but  a  dodge  to  capture  unthinking  voters  •, 
wherefore,  with  one  accord,  from  having  been  the  devoted 
adherents  of  Reciprocity,  they  straightway  wheeled  about 
and  every  Democrat  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  voted 
against  the  amendment,  furnishing,  as  Senator  Hale  has 
aptly  remarked,  another  '*  illustration  of  what  the  world 
has  seen  for  thirty  years— that  even  upon  plain 
business  propositions  touching  the  common 
good  of  all  the  country  and  the  everyday  life 
and  prosperity  of  the  people,  upon  which,  if 
anyw^here,  there  should  be  no  party  division, 
the  Democratic  Party  selects  the  darkness 
rather  tliaii  the  light  for  its  standing  ground." 

But  the  people  selected  the  light.  From  every  import- 
ant city  in  the  United  States  ;  from  every  exporting  com- 
munity ;  from  every  association  of  farmers,  manufacturers 
and  other  producers,  a  cataract  of  approving  resolutions 
poured  in  upon  Congress,  and  it  was  immediately  apparent 
that  the  entire  American  Nation,  without  the  slightest  dis- 
tinction of  pariy  among  business  men,  was  heartily  in 
favor  of  Reciprocity.  However,  the  Democratic  politicians 
were  not  warned.  From  the  moment  of  the  introduction 
of  the  Reciprocity  amendment  until  to-day  nothing  has 
come  from  Democratic  oflScial  sources  except  opposition 
and  sneers.  At  first  it  was  said  that  no  Nation  would 
give  us  a  Reciprocity  treaty ;  that  the  President  would  not 
dare  enforce  the  extraordinary  powers  committed  to  him 
under  the  law,  and  that  the  sagacious  statesmen  of  these 
southern  countries  knowing  that  fact,  would  naturally  de- 
cide that  they  could  well  afford  to  disregard  the  threat  of 
a  closed  market.  It  was  assiduously  urged  upon  the 
attention  of  the  representatives  of  these  nations  in  Wash- 
ington that  the  Democratic  Party  would  soon  come  into 
power  and  would  repeal  the  McKinley  Act  and  the  Recip- 
rocity clause  with  it,  and  that  they  were  foolish  to  make 
treaties  with  President  Harrison's  Administration  when, 
if  they  would  only  wait  a  couple  of  years  for  the  Demo- 
cratic Party,  they  would  obtain  a  free  market  for  nothing. 

This  sort  of  talk,  coming  from  responsible  Democratic 
statesmen  and  from  the  newspaper  organs  of  Democratic 
opinion,  exerted  a  great  influence  upon  southern  Nations 
and  their  Ministers  at  Washington  ;  they  weakened  the 
effect  of  the  measure  abroad.  They  made  the  task  of  our 
negotiators  exceedingly  difficult ;  they  strengthened  the 
hands  of  foreign  governments  who  were  naturally  unwill- 
ing to  abandon  important  sources  of  revenue  at  our 
demand.  They  were  intended  to  be  mischievous,  and 
mischievous  they  were,  and  they  were  as  unpatriotic  as 
they  were  hurtful. 

Many  Treaties  Made. 

But  in  the  end  they  were  a  conspicuous  failure.  Mr. 
Blaine,  with  the  able  assistance  of  the  Hon.  John  W. 
Foster,  his  successor  in  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State, 

147 


addressed  himself  in  the  first  instance  to  Brazil,  and  con- 
vinced the  Government  of  that  country  that  they  could  not 
longer  expect  us  to  spend  six  dollars  with  them  for  every 
one  dollar  they  spent  with  us.  The  result  was  a  treaty, 
under  which  Brazil  agreed  to  admit  free  a  line  of  importa- 
tions when  furnished  by  this  country,  of  which,  in  1889, 
Brazil  had  consumed  over  $20,000,000,  and  of  which,  in 
that  year,  we  had  furnished  only  $3,394,633.  It  was 
agreed  also  to  admit  at  the  preferential  reduction  of 
twenty-five  per  cent,  articles  when  supplied  by  the  United 
States,  of  which  the  total  annual  importation  into  Brazil 
had  been  nearly  $39,000,000,  and  of  which  the  United 
States  had  furnished  only  a  little  more  than  $2,000,000. 
Thus  we  were  placed  as  against  all  other 
Nations  in  a  favorable  position  in  the  Bra- 
zilian market  for  tlfe  supplying  of  goods,  of 
which  their  total  annual  consumption  in 
1889  had  been  $58,635,182,  and  of  which 
in  that  year  only  $5,430,532  had  come  from 
United  States. 

The  conditions  of  this  treaty  are  shown  in  the  tables 
following,  which  specify  the  imports  into  Brazil  in  dollars 
from  the  United  States  and  from  all  other  countries  in 
1889  of  the  articles  which  are  now  under  the  Reciprocity 
treaty  admitted  into  Brazil  when  brought  from  the  United 
States  free  of  duty.  This  table  shows  also  the  rate  of  duty 
which  is  levied  against  such  articles  when  imported  from 
countries  other  than  the  United  States : 


148 


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The  arrangement  shown  in  the  above  tables  went  into 
effect  on  April  1,  1891,  and  has  been  operating  until  the 
close  of  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1892,  just  fifteen 
months.  A  comparison  of  the  trade  of  the  fifteen  months 
just  closed,  with  that  of  the  fifteen  months  ending  on  the 
date  when  the  new  treaty  went  into  effect,  will  fairly  illus- 
trate how  Reciprocity  has  effected  our  trade  with  Brazil 
thus  far.  Below  is  a  table  showing  the  exact  result. 
The  improvement  in  trade  lias  been  in  many 
respects  wonderful,  in  all  respects  notable, 
and  has  been  accomplished  in  the  face  of 
domestic  conditions  in  Brazil  which  have 
been  utterly  adverse  to  tratle  of  any  kind. 
During  substantially  the  whole  period  in  which  Recipro- 
city has  been  operating,  the  Government  of  Brazil  has 
had  to  do  with  revolution;  one  Government  has  been 
pulled  down,  and  another  set  up,  and  fighting  and 
disorder  have  been  constantly  going  on  in  all  the  important 
seaboard  States.  There  has  been  a  net  improvement  in 
our  Brazilian  trade  of  $1,764,483,  or  nearly  11  per 
cent.  Had  there  been  a  condition  of  domestic  peace 
and  tranquility  in  Brazil,  it  is  more  than  clear  that  the  im- 
provement would  have  been  four  or  five  times  as  great. 
In  breadstuffs  the  increase  is  over  1  8  per  cent. ;  in 
manufactures  of  iron  and  steel,  over  93  per  cent. ;  in 
manufactures  of  wood,  over  18  per  cent.;  in  glass- 
ware, over  19  p^r  cent.,  and  in  general  trade,  over 
27  per  cent.  There  has  been  a  large  reduction  in 
exports  of  bacon,  hams  and  lard,  and  a  small  reduction 
in  manufactures  of  cotton,  but  the  whole  result  is  a  great 
triumph  for  Republican  statesman  ship  and  for  American 
trade : 


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Tee  AT  Y  WITH  Cuba. 

Following'  closely  upon  the  Brazilian  treaty  came  one 
with  Spain  in  behalf  of  her  West  Indian  colonies,  Cuba 
and  Porto  Rico.  This  was  much  more  difficult  of  nego- 
tiation, and  has  proven  to  be  much  more  valuable  in  its  con- 
cessions. For  many  years  Cuba,  though  politically  depend- 
ent upon  Spain,  has  been  commercially  dependent  upon  the 
United  States.  Of  her  total  exports  we  have  received 
about  90  per  cent.  In  1890  they  amounted  to  |53,801,591. 
But  the  Cuban  tariff,  enacted  by  Spain  to  compel  the 
Cubans  to  buy  Spanish  goods,  has  permitted  us  to  sell  to 
Cuba  only  about  20  per  cent,  as  much  as  we  have  bought. 
Our  exports  in  1890  amounted  to  only  ^13,084,415.  Until 
the  formal  notification  to  Spain  of  our  intention  to  enforce 
the  penal  clauses  of  the  Reciprocity  amendment,  she  had 
listened  to  our  suggestions  looking  to  the  improvement  of 
the  situation  with  regard  to  Cuba  with  only  a  languid  in- 
terest. The  adoption  ol  that  amendment,  however,  was 
to  the  Cubans  either  the  sword  of  death  or  the  pledge  of 
emancipation.  Retaliation  meant  utter  ruin,  free  trade 
with  the  United  States  meant  unbounded  prosperity. 
Spain  was  promptly  confronted  on  the  one  hand  with  the 
formal  demands  of  a  country  she  could  not  longer  afford 
to  resist,  and  with  the  demands  of  a  colony  she  could  not 
afford  to  fight.  The  Cubans  to  a  man  arrayed  themselves 
in  support  of  Mr.  Blaine's  requirements,  and  enormous  de- 
legations presented  themselves  at  Madrid  demanding  the 
adoption  of  a  Reciprocity  treaty. 

The  American  negotiator  was  General  Foster,  now  Sec- 
retary of  State,  and  within  three  months  after  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Brazilian  treaty  he  had  obtained  an  agreement 
with  Spain  conceding  a  provisional  tariff  schedule,  going 
into  effect  on  September  1, 1891,  and  holdinggood  until  July 
1,  1892,  and  a  permanent  schedule  going  into  effect  on  the 
latter  date,  when  certain  embarrassing  commercial  treaties 
between  Spain  and  various  European  countries  expired. 
American  salt,  canned  goods,  lard,  tallow,  fish,  oats,  bar- 
ley, rye,  starch,  cotton-seed  oil,  hay,  fruits,  vegetables, 
woods  and  wooden  manufactures,  wagons,  sewing  ma- 
chines, petroleum,  coal  and  ice  were  admitted  free  of 
duty ;  and,  at  rates  greatly  reduced  from  the  regular  rates, 
American  wiieat,  corn,  flour  and  meal,  butter,  refined  pe- 
troleum and  boots  and  shoes  were  permitted  to  enter  Cuban 
and  Porto  Rican  ports.  The  permanent  schedule  places 
on  the  free  list  all  American  exports  of  marble,  jasper  and 
other  building  stones  and  earth,  mineral  waters,  ice,  coal, 
resinous  substances,  crude  petroleum,  clay,  pig  iron,  cast 
iron  and  wrought  iron,  cotton,  cotton-seed  oil,  tallow, 
books,  woods  and  wooden  manufactures,  manure,  imple- 
ments, tools  and  machines,  shipbuilding  materials,  salt 
and  canned  meats,  lard,  butter,  cheese  and  fish,  starch, 
fruits  and  vegetables,  hay,  trees  and  tan  barks ;  and,  at 
rates  variously  reduced  from  the  regular  rates,"  American 
exports  are  admitted  of  corn,  corn  meal,  wheat,  wheat 
flour,  carriages,  wagons  and  cars,  glass,  earthenware, 
needles  and  cutlery,  metals,  furniture,  broom  corn  and 
rushes,  rice,  manufactures  of  rubber,  petroleum,  cotton 
goods,  rope,  paints,  soap,  perfumes,  medicines,  leather 
goods,  boots  and  shoes,  trunks  and  harness,  clocks  and 
watches  and  carriages, 

153 


The  result  of  the  operation  of  the  provisional  treaty  is 
shown  in  the  following  table.  There  has  been  a  net  in- 
crease in  our  Cuban  trade  in  ten  months  of  f  5,702,197  or 
54.86%.  In  bread  stuffs  the  increase  has  been  from 
$710,730  to  $2,195,098,  or  over  20%  ;  in  cotton  goods  the 
increase  has  been  15% ;  in  chemicals,  41% ;  in  manu- 
factures of  iron  and  steel,  41%  ;  in  mineral  oils,  31% ;  in 
manufactures  of  leather,  83%;  in  provisions,  mainly 
bacon,  hams  and  lard,  51% ;  in  manufactures  of  wood, 
31%;  in  glassware,  22%;  in  vegetables,  171%.  There 
has  been  nowhere  a  decrease,  and  the  increase  has  been  a 
glowing  one  month  by  month. 


154 


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(OiOtoeoeot 

(  t- CO  »0  T-<  rl  ( 


TH      eo  00 1*  $t  00  Tf      iflT-i 


9 


5 

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43  cS 

•C  :3  a  °^  Jr^ 


155 


Reciprocity  is  thus  an  accomplished  fact.  It  is  doing 
its  destined  work.  Practically  the  entire  surplus  of 
the  sugar-growing  countries  comes  upon  the  American 
breakfast  table  without  one  cent  of  taxation^ 
at  any  point  between  the  producer  and  the 
consumer.  We  have  free  sugar;  nearly  $60,000,000 
per  year  are  being  left  in  the  people's  pockets  that  form- 
erly came  out  into  the  public  treasury,  and  by  tlie 
manner  in  which  this  has  been  accomplished  thirty 
millions  of  export  trade  have  been  obtamed  for 
our  farmers  and  manufacturers  which  were  formerly  de- 
nied to  them.  Well  may  the  Republican  platform  describe 
this  policy  as  a  "  practical  business  measure." 


A  Business  Administration. 

I  have  tried  to  make  this  a  business  Administration. 
Of  course,  we  cannot  wholly  separate  politics  from  a  na- 
tional Administration ;  but  I  have  felt  that  every  public 
officer  owed  his  best  service  to  the  people  without  dis- 
tinction of  party;  that  in  administering  official  trusts  we 
were  in  a  very  strict  sense— not  merely  in  a  figurative 
sense — your  servants.  It  has  been  my  desire  that  in  every 
branch  of  the  public  service  there  should  be  improvement. 
I  have  stimulated  all  the  Secretaries,  and  have  received 
stimulus  from  them  in  the  endeavor,  in  all  the  depart- 
ments of  the  Government  that  touch  your  business  life,  to 
give  you  as  perfect  a  service  as  possible.  This  we  owe  to 
you  ;  but  if  I  were  pursuing  party  ends  I  should  feel  that 
I  was  by  such  methods  establishing  my  party  in  the  con- 
fidence of  the  people. 

—BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


The  Greatest  Is  Agriculture. 

The  farmers  of  the  Republic  will  control  its  destiny. 
Agriculture,  Commerce  and  Manufactures  are  the  three 
pursuits  that  enrich  a  nation,  but  the  greatest  of  these  is 
agriculture,  for  without  its  products  the  spindle  cannot 
turn,  and  the  ship  will  not  sail.  Agriculture  furnishes 
the  conservative  element  in  society,  and  in  the  end  is  the 
guiding,  restraining,  controlling  force  in  government. 
Against  storms  of  popular  fury ;  against  frenzied  madness 
that  seeks  collision  with  established  order ;  against  theo- 
ries of  administration  that  have  drenched  other  lands  in 
blood ;  against  the  spirit  of  Anarchy  that  would  sweep 
away  the  landmarks  and  safeguards  of  Christian  society 
and  Republican  Government,  the  farmers  of  the  United 
States  will  stand  as  the  shield  and  the  bulwark— them- 
selves the  willing  subjects  of  law — and,  therefore,  its 
safest  and  strongest  administrators. 

-JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

156 


CURRENCY  AND  COINAGE 


Republicans  for  Safe  and  Genuine 
Bimetallism  and  Honest  Money. 


MORE  MONEY  AND  BAD  MONEY  THE 
DEMOCRATIC  AIM. 


Policies  Contrasted. 


There  have  always  been  three  opinions  about  currency 
and  the  coinage.  Some  money  lenders  who  are  money 
monopolists  want  scarcer  money  that  it  may  be  dearer. 
Bankrupts  who  have  borrowed  more  than  they  can  pay, 
speculators  who  have  gambled  on  the  wrong  side,  debtors 
who  are  dishonest,  want  more  money  and  bad  money,  so 
that  large  debts  can  be  paid  with  small  values.  The 
honest  wage-earners,  the  tillers  of  the  soil,  and  other  pro- 
ducers who  would  rob  no  man,  want  more  money  but 
good  money.  More  money,  they  believe,  is  required  by 
the  constant  growth  of  commerce  and  industry.  Bad 
money,  ihey  know,  would  rob  everybody,  and  the  toilera 
and  producers  most  of  all. 

Where  Paeties  Stand. 

No  party  has  ever  favored  money  monopolists,  a  con. 
traction  of  the  currency,  or  an  unchanged  volume  of  cir- 
culation  which,  with  growing  business,  would  involve  a 
relative  contraction.  The  Democratic  party,  as  facts  will 
prove,  has  always  favored  the  money  sharks  and  the  dis- 
honest debtors.  The  Republican  party  has  always  favored 
the  wage-earners  and  honest  producers.  Democrats  have 
fought  for  more  money,  not  caring  how  bad  it  might  be. 
Republicans  have  given  the  country  an  ever-increasing 
volume  of  money,  every  dollar  of  which  is  absolutely- 
good. 

The  Republican  a  Bimetallic  Party. 

Nine-tenths  of  the  people  are  bimetallists.  They  want 
both  money  metals  used,  because  they  believe  both  needed 
to  sustain  the  world's  commerce.  The  Republican  party 
intelligently  and  honestly  answers  their  wishes.  Presi- 
dent Harrison  is  a  bimetallist,  as  his  official  papers  and 
his  speeches  plainly  show.  The  Republican  platform  de- 
clares for  bimetallism,  and  in  that  respect  faithfully  rep- 
resents the  course  of  the  party.  Every  measure  for  the 
past  thirty  years,  looking  to  a  larger  use  of  silver,  has  been 
passed  by  Republican  votes.  But  the  Republican  bi- 
metallism is  genuine.  It  does  not  blunderingly  offer  gold 
monometallism  or  silver  monometallism  through  sheer 
stupidity,  imagining  that  either  is  the  thing  the  people 
want.    Democracy  has  proposed  measures  that  would 

157 


drive  all  gold  out  of  use  in  this  country,  and  has  been  ig, 
norant  enough  or  dishonest  enough  to  call  that  bimet- 
talism. 

Dishonest  Money  Demooratig. 

It  has  been  the  party  of  dishonest  money  for  many  years. 
Under  its  fostering  laws  and  rascally  partisan  officials, 
there  grew  up,  before  the  War,  State  bank  systems  which 
robbed  the  people  of  $36, 000, 000 yearly.  When  an  honest 
national  currency  was  proposed,  as  a  measure  necessary 
to  save  the  Union  in  the  stress  of  civil  war,  the  Democratic 
party  had  neither  love  enough  for  sound  money  nor  patri- 
otism enough  to  refrain  from  malignant  opposition.  Then 
it  denounced  the  notes  of  the  Government  as  unconstitu- 
tional ;  a  little  later  it  demanded  the  issue  of  enough  of 
these  same  notes  to  render  them  worthless. 

Repudiation. 

In  1868,  if  Republicans  had  not  prevented,  it  would 
have  forced  public  creditors  to  accept  these  same  un- 
constitutional notes  in  payment  of  bonds.  When  Repub- 
licans proposed  to  restore  the  notes  to  par,  making  every 
dollar  of  them  as  good  as  the  gold  it  promised,  the  Demo- 
cratic party  denounced  the  measure  at  the  East  as  a  farce 
and  a  fraud  which  could  never  be  carried  out,  and  at  the 
West  as  infamous  tyranny  and  wholesale  robbery.  It 
tried  to  cheat  both  sections  by  pretending  devotion  to  the 
ideas  of  both.  Since  Resumption  has  blessed  all  sections 
alike  with  wonderful  prosperity,  the  Democratic  party  has 
tried  to  make  the  silver  question  a  pretext  for  such  paper 
inflation  as  would  give  dishonest  debtors  the  greatest 
advantage. 


SILVER  COINAGE. 


Democratic  Bills  Mean  Unlimited  Paper  Driving  Out  Ail  Coin. 


GENUINE  BIMETALLISM   NECESSARY. 


Neaj'ly  all  agree  that  bimetallism  is  desirable.  But  a 
difference  of  opinion  arises  as  to  the  best  means  of  bring- 
ing about  a  settled  or  fixed  parity  between  gold  and  silver, 
so  that  silver  may  be  restored  to  general  monetary  use. 
On  this  diversity  of  opinion  the  discussion  of  the  silver 
question  is  chiefly  based.  In  this  country  the  popular 
voice  has  repeatedly  been  so  decisive  that  the  desirability 
of  reacliing  the  bimetallic  standard  may  be  considered 
beyond  dispute.  But  tlie  means  of  reaching  that  desired 
end  may  continue  for  some  time  the  subject  of  grave  and 
thoughtful  consideration. 

158 


A  Lakgeb  Monetaey  Basis. 

The  Republican  policy  seeks  a  broader  monetary  basis. 
The  world's* commerce  expands  so  rapidly— the  volume  of 
paper  currency  and  of  various  credit  substitutes  for  money, 
which  nmst  be  supported  by  the  specie  basis,  has  become 
so  vast— that  scarcely  any  can  be  found  to  deny  that  com- 
merce and  industry  would  be  safer  if  the  entire  stock  of 
$3,711,845,000  gold  and  $3,939,578,000  silver  in  the  world 
(see  Estimate  by  Director  Leech  of  the  Mint,  Table  A), 
could  be  freely  employed  as  a  foundation,  instead  of  only 
a  part  of  that  amount.  As  matters  stand,  in  the  great 
commercial  nations  of  the  world  the  credit  system  and 
commercial  exchanges  now  rest  upon  the  stock  of  gold  as 
the  only  basis.  A  bimetallic  system  would  render  the 
commerce  and  industry  of  those  nations  safer  and  more 
healthy. 

Serious  losses  and  great  risks  are  incurred  through  the 
constant  disturbance  of  exchanges  between  gold-using 
and  silver-using  countries.  Even  in  Great  Britain,  where 
gold  monometallism  is  worshipped  as  it  is  nowhere  else, 
the  greatest  statesmen  and  the  most  powerful  Boards  of 
Trade  are  at  their  wits'  ends  to  discover  some  way  of  es- 
caping the  frightful  losses  in  commerce  with  the  East, 
which  have  this  very  year  involved  great  banks  and  firms 


Fltjotuations  and  Distuebanoes  Lessened. 

It  is  desirable  to  have  as  stable  a  monetary  basis  as  pos- 
sible, and  fluctuations  and  disturbances  springing  from 
sudden  increase  or  decrease  in  the  yearly  production  of 
one  metal  or  the  other  would  be  lessened  if  the  monetary 
mass  serving  as  a  basis  for  all  exchanges  and  credits  were 
nearly  doubled.  A  difference  of  $40,000,000  in  the  gold 
production  of  a  single  year  is  now  more  than  1  per  cent, 
of  the  whole  stock  of  specie  available  for  exchanges  be- 
tween Western  nations.  With  silver  restored  it  would  be 
only  half  of  one  per  cent.  Because  the  Republican  Party 
gives  full  weight  to  arguments  in  favor  of  a  bimetallic 
basis  it  has  not  ceased  to  strive  for  concurrence  of  com- 
mercial nations  in  the  final  restoration  of  that  metal. 


Safety  Must  Not  Be  Sacrificed. 

But  neither  does  it  flinch  from  the  supreme  duty  of 
maintaining  for  the  people  a  safe  and  honest  currency. 
Soundness  and  safety  first — after  that  all  the  expansion  of 
currency  that  growing  commerce  and  industry  may  need — 
is  the  Republican  rule.  Thus  far  other  nations  do  not 
consent  to  bear  their  part  in  the  restoration  of  silver,  nor 
to  take  any  steps  in  that  direction.  What  the  United 
States  can  do  alone  without  impairing  the  soundness  or 
risking  the  safety  of  its  own  monetary  system  is  the  prob- 
lem which  the  Republican  Party  has  steadily  endeavored 
to  solve.  True  progress  never  loses  sight  of  true  conserv- 
atism. Republican  progress  has  done  much,  and  at 
cA^ery  step  it  has  been  guarded  by  determination  not  to  sac- 
rifice the  solid  good  already  attained — the  inestimable  bless- 
ings of  a  sound  currency,  as  good  as  that  of  any  other 
nation. 

159 


Americans  Want  the  Best  Money. 

Republicaus  do  not  mean  that  the  money  of  this  na- 
tion should  come  to  be  inferior  to  that  of  other  commer- 
cial nations.  This  people,  they  hold,  have  a  right  to  enjoy 
the  very  best  money  that  can  be  had.  If  Great  Britain, 
or  France,  or  Germany  should  have  in  use  a  better  money 
than  ours,  that  fact  would  put  all  our  producers  and  mer- 
chants in  legitimate  trade  at  a  fearful  disadvantage,  and 
would  help  only  those  engaged  in  gambling,  as  painful 
experience  with  a  depreciated  currency  during  and  after 
the  War  abundantly  proved.  But  would  the  American  cur- 
rency remain  as  sound  and  good  as  that  of  other  nations 
if  this  country  alone  should  undertake  unlimited  coinage 
of  silver  ?  Until  the  step  can  be  taken  with  safety,  the 
Republican  Party  does  not  risk  the  incalculable  evils  which 
a  separation  in  purchasing  power  between  the  currency 
of  this  and  other  nations  would  bring  upon  our  people. 
That  would  inevitably  mean  the  use  of  two  kinds  of  dol- 
lars at  home,  differing  in  value. 

The  Democratic  Silver  Bill. 

This  bill,  reported  by  Representative  Bland  from  the 
Democratic  Coinage  Committee  of  the  House,  which  was 
supported  by  the  great  majority  of  Democrats  in  that 
body,  was  not  in  any  sense  an  honest  free,  coinage  bill. 
It  was  not  calculated  to  help,  but  to  prevent,  agreement  of 
nations  regarding  the  use  of  gold  and  silver.  It  was 
never  intended  to  help  American  silver  producers,  but 
only  to  use  them  and  their  friends  as  the  cat's-paws  of 
Democratic  demagogues.  This  is  plain,  because  the  bill 
provided  for  unlimited  issues  of  a  new  kind  of  paper 
money  against  all  the  silver  of  the  world  that  might  be 
brought  to  the  mints.  It  would  have  disorganized  and 
driven  from  use  the  forms  of  paper  currency  to  which  the 
people  have  become  accustomed,  which  they  love  for  its 
incalculable  services  to  the  nation  in  the  past,  and  which 
they  know  to  be  as  good  as  gold,  and  accepted  without 
hesitation  or  discount  by  every  banker  or  trader  in  every 
part  of  the  land.  To  extinguish  all  the  kinds  of  paper 
money  that  are  thus  known  and  approved  by  experience, 
and  to  substitute  a  new  kind,  redeemable  in  silver  coins, 
to  be  issued  in  absolutely  unlimited  amount,  would  be  to 
bring  a  monetary  earthquake  instead  of  genuine  progress. 

To  Drive  Out  Gold. 

This  bill,  falsely  called  a  free-coinage  measure,  would 
have  driven  gold  out  of  use  and  out  of  the  country.  For 
other  nations  needing  gold  in  their  struggles  with  each 
other,  and  having  enormous  stores  of  unused  silver,  would 
liave  made  haste  to  sell  their  silver  at  almost  any  price 
and  draw  away  our  gold.  Paper  obtained  for  the  bullion 
could  be  passed  through  Clearing  Houses  or  sold,  and 
gold  obtained  instead.  With  unlimited  issues  of  this  paper 
coming,  many  business  men  would  surely  liave  hoarded 
their  gold  or  sent  it  abroad,  a  danger  which  Chairman  Bland, 
of  the  Democratic  House  Committee,  admitted  in  his  re- 

{)ort  recommending  tlie  bill.   In  a  single  year  this  country 
las  taken  in  more  than  $150,000,000  thus  invested  by  for- 

160 


cigiiers.  How  would  its  ])usiness  fare  if  as  great  a  sum 
of  money  should  be  drawn  out  quickly  from  the  channels 
of  trade  ? 

Foreign  Distrust  Warranted. 

The  distrust  of  such  a  measure  would  have  been  en- 
tirely justified,  for  every  busine.'ss  man  knows  that  giving 
129  pieces  of  new  paper  called  dollars  for  100  ounces  of 
silver  bullion  would  not  have  imparted  to  the  paper  the 
value  of  $129  in  gold,  nor  any  other  fixed  value  whatever. 
The  question  would  then  have  instantly  arisen,  "  What  is 
the  Bland  paper  worth  ?"  No  new  use  of  silver  coin  was 
provided  by  this  measure  to  give  silver  bullion  a  higher 
value,  but  the  paper  would  have  pushed  silver  out  of  use 
entirely.  Giving  paper  of  unknown  value  for  silver 
bullion  would  not  have  fixed  or  lifted  the  value  of  the 
bullion.  Neither  could  the  bullion,  being  itself  not  fixed 
in  value  in  the  world's  markets,  give  a  fixed  value  to  the 
paper. 

Depreciation  of  Such  Paper. 

This  Democratic  measure,  falsely  called  a  coinage  bill, 
would  have  thrust  into  circulation"over  $1,000,000,000  of 
the  new  kind  of  paper  in  place* of  various  kinds  of  money 
now  in  established  use,  besides  $129,000,000  more  of  such 
paper  for  every  100,000,000  ounces  of  silver  brought  to 
the  mints.  When  this  nation  had  outstanding  less  than 
$700,000,000  in  paper  of  all  kinds,  the  value  of  the 
national  currency  dropped  to  38.7  cents  on  the  dollar  (see 
Tables  B  and  C).  Who  can  guess  what  an  unlimited  issue 
of  new  paper  would  be  worth  ?  As  much  as  the  silver, 
Democrats  would  say.  But  what  would  the  silver  be 
worth  ?  Obviously,  as  much  as  the  paper,  paid  for  it  at 
the  mint.  Nobody  could  tell  how  far  silver  would  then 
fall  in  the  world's  markets.  Redemption  of  the  new  notes 
in  silver  would  have  no  practical  value.  How  many  men 
would  send  a  wagon  to  haul  away  a  ton  of  coins  in  order 
to  pay  a  commercial  debt  of  $30,000  ?  What  working- 
man,  earning  $100  per  month,  would  ask  to  have  100 
silver  dollars  paid  to  him  instead  of  paper  ? 


No  Help  for  Silver. 

The  Bland  paper  dollar  would  be  in  practice  irredeem- 
able, and  would  sink  in  purchasing  power,  no  one  can 
tell  how  far.  The  silver  bullion  at  the  mint  would  be 
worth  no  more  than  the  paper  there  given  for  it.  Else- 
where it  would  sink  with  certainty,  because  the  emptying 
of  unused  silver  upon  this  country  and  the  hoarding  of 
gold  here  would  make  the  premium  on  gold  mount 
rapidly.  Instead  of  helping  silver  producers,  this  Demo- 
cratic measure  would  have  been  the  worst  for  them  that 
could  be  conceived.  Instead  of  free  coinage,  it  would 
have  substituted  paper  unlimited  in  quantity  and  un- 
limited in  depreciation.  In  such  paper  the  w^orkingmen 
would  be  paid  their  wages,  and  in  such  paper  the  farmer 
would  receive  pay  for  his  products.  Instead  of  progress, 
this  would  be  shooting  Niagara,  to  end  in  the  Gulf  ot 
Replidiation. 

161 


Depeeciated  Money  Not  Wanted. 

The  people  have  tried  a  depreciated  paper  currency, 
and  want  no  more  of  it.  The  South  ha§  seen  -f  200  paid 
for  a  pair  of  boots,  and  $50  for  a  poor  dinner.  Tlie  North 
has  seen  tlie  cost  of  living — payments  being  made  in  de- 
preciated paper — rise  far  beyond  the  wages  of  labor,  so 
that  in  1864,  though  men  could  earn  in  paper  37  per  cent, 
more  than  in  1860,  they  could  buy  with  their  wages  36 
)er  cent,  less  than  in  1860.  Never  again,  by  consent  of 
the  people,  North  or  South,  will  the  American  dollar  be 
cut  adrift  from  the  money  of  the  civilized  world,  so  that 
it  shall  become  poorer  money  in  power  to  buy  necessaries 
or  comforts  of  life  tllan  any  other  money  used  by  civilized 
nations.  The  Bland  unlimited  paper  bill,  the  latest  exhi- 
bition of  Democratic  statesmanship  and  Democratic  hon- 
esty, ought  to  be  detested  by  the  miner,  by  the  toiler  in 
the  fields  and  shops,  as  heartily  by  the  banker  with  whom 
they  deposit. 


THE  SILVER  MEASURES  OF  REPUBLICANS. 


Prices  of  Silver  Bullion  Under  Two  Administrations. 


THE  ACT  OF  1890. 


The  Reptjblioan  Not  the  Calamity  Party. 

The  Republican  party  has  not  framed  and  voted  for 
bills  to  bring  a  financial  earthquake,  with  the  notion  that 
such  bills  would  tickle  ignorant  voters.  It  has  respected 
the  intelligence  of  the  people,  remembered  its  grave  re- 
sponsibility,'and  framed  measures  which  have  borne  the 
test  of  stern  experience.  It  has  never  tried  to  make  a 
living  by  pretending  that  the  people  were  ruined  or 
robbed.  It  has  never  tried  to  make  voters  believe  their 
calamities  so  intolerable  that  a  dishonest  course  would  be 
excusable,  nor  has  it  cultivated  desperation  as  a  pretext 
for  reckless  and  crazy  means  of  relief.  It  is  not  the 
calamity  party,  but  prospers  with  the  public  prosperity. 
Bad  crops,  -devastating  storms,  national  disasters,  are 
never  expected  to  help  any  other  than  the  Democratic 
party.  The  people  have  prospered  grandly  under  Repub- 
lican measures,  and  every  glad  harvest  home  is  a  Re- 
publican rejoicing  ;  every  new  factory  or  mill  or  mine  is 
a  Republican  fortress,  and  every  dollar  added  to  the 
nation's  wealth  is  an  evidence  of  Republican  sagacity  and 
fidelity  to  duty. 

Silver  Demonetized  by  Democrats. 

Silver  was  actually  driven  out  of  use  as  money  in  this 
country  by  a  Democratic  blunder  in  the  Act  of  1853.  For 
seven  years  thereafter  it  was  exported,  because  legally 
made  more  valuable  to  export  than  to  keep  in  circulation 

163 


&s  com.  Democratic  rebellion,  and  the  loans  necessary 
to  resist  it,  drove  gold  also  out  of  the  country,  and,  while 
paper  only  was  used  as  currency,  silver  was  still  relatively 
more  valuable  than  gold,  so  that,  after  nearly  twenty 
years  of  practical  disuse,  its  coinage  was  stopped.  It  is 
now  of  no  avail  to  argue  about  the  responsibility  for  the 
discontinuance  of  silver  coinage.  But  the  practical  ques- 
tion is  _not  how  the  trouble  began,  bat  liow  to  get  out 
of  it. 

The  Republican  Policy. 

In  the  face  of  demonetization  by  other  nations,  the  Re- 
publican party  set  itself  to  do  what  it  could  to  secure  for 
"silver  a  larger  monetary  use,  and  to  enlist  European 
powers  in  measures  for  its  full  restoration.  The  act 
framed  by  the  Republican  Senate  in  1878  provided  for 
limited  coinage  of  silver.  It  was  savagely  denounced  by 
Democrats,  but,  after  twelve  years  of  experience,  was 
found  to  have  done  no  harm.  Specie  payments  had  been 
resumed,  silver  had  circulated  all  the  time  at  par  with 
gold,  and  silver  certificates  at  par  with  gold  certificates. 
Under  Republican  Administrations  the  price  of  silver  de- 
clined not  at  all,  but  was  actually  higher  in  October,  1884, 
than  it  had  been  in  October,  1878.  Then  a  Democratic 
President  was  elected,  and  before  another  Presidential 
election  came  the  price  of  silver  bullion  had  dropped  8.71 
pence  per  ounce,  about  17  per  cent,  (see  Table  D).  The 
belief  that  a  change  from  the  safe  and  conservative  Repub- 
lican policy  must  come  was  in  large  measure  the  cause  of 
this  extraordinary  decline. 

Peesident  Harrison's  Administration. 

With  the  election  of  President  Harrison  silver  began  to 
recover  steadily,  and  his  first  message  made  it  clear  that 
he  did  not  believe  in  depreciating  a  product  of  American 
mines.  By  him  and  by  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  meas- 
ures were  suggested  to  promote  the  larger  use  of  silver, 
but  the  necessity  of  securing  international  agreement  on 
the  subject  was  strongly  urged.  The  Republican  Congress 
of  1890,  in  part  accepting  the  suggestions  of  the  Adminis- 
tration, passed  a  law  requiring  purchase  of  4,500,000 
ounces  of  silver  each  month,  a  quantity  as  large  as  was 
then  produced  by  the  mines  of  this  country.  With  the 
quantity  required  for  use  in  the  arts,  the  whole  silver 
product  of  this  country  is  taken  from  the  world's  markets. 
This  measure  also  was  savagely  denounced  by  Democrats, 
but  has  thus  far  proved  safe. 

Result  of  the  Act  of  1890. 

Under  this  act  silver  bullion  rose  rapidly  to  55  pence 
per  ounce,  and  at  New  York  to  $1.21,  so  that  a  gain  of 
13  pence  per  ounce  in  two  years  followed  Republican 
victory.  Before  the  full  effect  of  the  measure  could  be 
tested.  Democratic  denunciation  of  it  and  clamor  for  its 
repeal  were  followed  in  November,  1890,  by  sweeping 
Democratic  victories.  A  House  pledged  to  free  coinage 
was  elected,  so  strongly  Democratic  that  a  change  of 
policy  was  deemed  inevitable.  From  that  day  silver 
rapidly  declined.    It  was  48.62  pence  per  ounce  Novem- 

163 


ber  1,  1890,  and  fell  to  37|  pence  per  ounce  August  18, 
1892,  when  a  Democratic  Congress  liad  proved  the 
falsity  of  its  professions  and  pledges.  This  fall  of  10^^ 
pence  per  ounce,  or  22^  per  cent,  in  22  months,  shows 
how  little  the  Democratic  victories  in  1890  have  helped 
silver.  Never  has  there  been  so  great  a  decline  at  any 
other  time  within  so  short  a  period. 

Merits  of  the  Republican  Act. 

This  step  toward  a  larger  use  of  silver  was  profoundly 
distrusted  by  many,  but  it  has  manifested  its  helpful 
power  in  a  serious  emergency,  and  may  have  saved  the. 
country  from  grave  financial  disturbance.  Last  year* 
Russia  suddenly  demanded  great  sums  in  gold  from  banks 
and  bankers  of  Western  Europe.  At  the  same  time  fail- 
ures in  South  America  and  other  disasters  increased  the 
pressure  abroad.  Those  bankers,  in  defending  themf^elves. 
caused  large  sales  of  American  securities,  and  railroad 
and  even  municipal  bonds  to  a  large  amount  were  re- 
turned to  this  country,  and  gold  was  drawn  away.  The 
exports  of  gold  began  in  February,  and  in  six  months  the 
net  outgo  from  this  country  was  nearly  $75,000,000. 

A  Severe  Test. 

Precisely  such  a  sudden  drain  of  gold  has  been  a  thou- 
sand times  mentioned  with  fear  as  the  one  thing  tiiat 
might  cause  a  collapse  of  confidence  in  American  cur- 
rency— hoarding  of  gold  and  redemption  of  notes  at  tlie 
Treasury.  Treasury  reserves  were  unusually  low,  and 
Democrats,  with  accustomed  patriotism,  seized  the  occa- 
sion to  declare  it  bankrupt,  and  to  create  all  the  distrust 
they  conld.  But  wise  management  by  the  Administration 
averted  all  danger.  The  gold  went  abroad  without  occa- 
sioning any  pressure  in  financial  circles.  In  its  place  the 
Act  of  1890  put  out  $527,000,000  of  new  Treasury  notes. 
No  distrust  of  the  Treasury  appeared,  nor  the  least  dis- 
position to  draw  gold  for  circulating  notes,  and  at  the  end 
of  the  six  months,  though  $75,000,000  gold  had  left  the 
country,  the  Treasury  held  only  $17,000,000  less  gold. 

An  Expanding  Cieoulation. 

The  Republican  party  does  not  believe  that  any  good  is 
done  by  confining  a  growing  trade  with  cast-iron  restric- 
tions of  the  volume  of  currency.  The  business  of  the 
country  increases  far  more  rapidly  than  its  population, 
and  while  it  makes  credit  currency  for  itself  to  a  large 
extent,  some  expansion  of  the  monetary  basis  contributes 
to  safety  and  freedom  of  development.  As  Secretary 
Windom  stated,  a  moderate  increase  in  the  circulation, 
not  disturbing  the  relations  between  the  volume  of  money 
and  the  volume  of  trade,  can  involve  no  danger,  and  for 
such  an  increase  the  Act  of  1890  provides.  The  ofl3cial 
record  proves  (see  Table  B)  that  the  Republican  policy 
has  lor  15  years  since  tiie  resumption  of  specie  payments 
gradually  and  prudently  expanded  the  circulation,  so  that 
instead  of  $16.75  for  each  inhabitant  July  1,  1878,  it  was 
$24.47  for  each  inhabitant  July  1,  1892. 

164 


An  Important  Difference. 

Under  President  Cleveland's  Administration  the  ctir- 
rency  slightly  flecreased,  from  $23.02  iii  1885 
to  $22.52  in  1889.  But  under  President  Harrison's 
Administration  it  has  increased  about  $223,000,- 
OOO,  nearly  $2  per  capita.  In  consequence, 
while  the  increased  volume  is  fully  employed  at  certain 
seasons,  the  current  rate  of  interest  has  been  generally 
somewhat  reduced,  notwithstanding  the  enormous  ex- 
pansion of  business.  Since  188j^,  the  last  year  of  Presi- 
dent Cleveland's  Administration,  actual  payments  through 
Clearing  Houses  have  increased  29.3  per  cent.  Against 
this  the  actual  circulation  has  increased  16.8  per  cent,  in 
the  four  years,  not  enough  to  alarm  the  most  cautious  and 
conservative. 

American  Silver  All  Used. 

The  new  Treasury  notes  circulate  freely  everywhere  with- 
out objection  or  discount,  are  interchangeable  with  gold, 
receivable  at  custom-houses,  and  possessed  of  equal  debt- 
paying  powers.  Over  $104,000,000  of  suchnotes  have  been 
added  to  the  circulation,  and  the  credit  of  the  Govern- 
ment is  as  strong  as  it  was  before  any  were  issued.  Mean- 
while all  American  silver,  not  required  for  use  in  the  arts, 
is  taken  by  Government  and  added  to  its  metallic  reserve. 
The  silver  producers  have  a  far  better  market  for  their 
product  than  if  they  could  get  for  it,  under  the  Bland  bill, 
a  fixed  price,  but  only  in  paper  of  unknowable  value, 
which  the  invasion  of  foreign  silver  in  indefinite  quantity, 
and  the  unlimited  issues  of  the  new  paper,  would  surely 
cause  to  depreciate. 


INTERNATIONAL  ACCORD. 


Conference  of    Nations  Called. 


DEMOCRACY  THE  CHIEF  OBSTACLE. 


The  Republican  party  has  neglected  no  opportunity  to 
promote  a  broader  and  permanent  settlement  of  the  silver 
question  through  international  agreement.  The  Adminis- 
tration of  President  Harrison  has  labored  to  this  end  with 
greater  prospect  of  success  than  has  rewarded  any  pre- 
vious efforts.  After  much  negotiation,  looking  toward 
international  co-operation  in  reopening  the  mints  of  the 
world  to  the  coinage  of  silver  upon  some  agreed  ratio,  an 
invitation  to  a  monetary  conference  has  been  sent  out  by 
the  United  States,  and  has  been  accepted  by  all  the  great 
commercial  nations  of  Europe.  The  declared  object  of 
the  United  States,  in  extending  the  invitation,  was  to 
bring  about,  if  possible,  through  international  agreement, 
the  re-establishment  of  bimetallism. 

165 


The  Kepttblioan  Plan. 

This  the  Republican  party  has  steadily  sought  to  ac- 
complish by  safe  and  conservative  steps,  believing  it 
would  be  a  permanent  blessing  to  this  and  other  countries. 
In  spite  of  stubborn  foreign  opposition  it  has  persisted. 
In  spite  of  sneers  and  derision  from  those  who  believe  that 
safe  and  harmonious  use  of  both  metals  is  no  longer  pos- 
sible, it  has  persisted.  At  length  the  losses  and  necessi- 
ties of  other  nations  have  prepared  theiA  to  consider  the 
subject  seriously,  and,  in  jyiie.;flpirit  of  Lord  Salisbury,  to 
seek  earnestly  some  mearfpDf  permanent  monetary  read- 
justment. 

Feee  Coinage  Would  Defeat  the  Effort. 

Negotiations  with  other  powers  have  made  it  clear  that 
free  coinage  of  silver,  by  the  United  States  alone,  would 
put  an  end  to  all  hope  of  such  agreement.  By  that  step 
this  country  would  take  upon  itself  all  the  risk  of  under- 
taking to  receive  and  pay  gold  for  the  silver  which  other 
powers  now  hold  unused.  Whether  this  attempt  here 
should  ultimately  succeed  or  quickly  fail,  it  would  at 
least  give  opportunity  for  a  time  to  all  other  nations  to  in- 
crease their  store  of  gold  and  lessen  their  stock  of  un- 
available silver,  and  by  sending  hither  quick  orders  to 
sell  in  large  amounts  they  would  greatly  strengthen  their 
own  position.  If  the  attempt  here  should  succeed,  they 
could  join  in  it  at  any  time  without  risk.  If  it  should 
fail,  they  could  then  renew  negotiations  for  some  inter- 
national agreement;  but  in  any  event  would  be  the 
stronger  for  the  supply  of  gold  drawn  from  this  country. 

Bkitish  Teade  with  India. 

Enormous  losses  in  British  trade  with  India  have  com- 
pelled statesmen  of  Great  Britain  to  inquire  anxiously 
what  can  be  done  to  put  that  trade  on  a  more  healthy 
basis.  It  is  even  proposed  by  the  Indian  Monetary  Asso- 
ciation to  close  the  mints  of  India  entirely  against  the 
coinage  of  silver,  and  British  financial  journals  are  now 
discussing  that  proposition  at  length,  pointing  out  that  it 
would  fail  to  bring  any  relief,  but  would  greatly  restrict 
the  trade  of  India  with  silver-using  countries.  Instead, 
Sir  David  Barbour,  the  -Indian  Minister  of  Finance,  at  last 
publicly  declares  that  "  a  common  standard  of  value  for 
England  and  India  is  absolutely  essential,"  and  proposes 
the  "  adoption  of  the  system  of  double  legal  tender  by  in- 
ternational agreement."  With  such  an  appeal  from  the 
officials  of  its  most  important  dependency,  the  British 
Government  would  doubtless  be  ready  to  concede  much 
in  order  to  secure  an  international  settlement  of  the 
question.  But  free  coinage  in  this  country  alone  would  at 
once  put  an  end,  at  least  for  a  time,  to  this  willingness. 
Great  Britain  would  then  wait  to  see  how  far  the  action  of 
the  United  States  might  give  relief  to  British  commerce 
with  Eastern  countries,  and  what  chance  there  might  be  of 
forcing  this  and  other  countries  to  a  silver  basis. 

Democratic  Agitation  a  Great  Obstacle.  • 

Constant  Democratic  clamor  for  free  coinage  in  this 
country  alone,  however  faithless  and  insincere,  has  strongly 
impressed  other  nations  with  the  idea  that,  if  they  put  off 

166 


action  a  little  longer,  Democratic  victory  in  this  country 
may  give  them  a  golden  opportunity.  The  great  obstacle 
to  negotiations  has  been  the  belief  that  the  Democratic 
party,  succeeding  in  the  coming  election,  would  estab- 
lish free  coinage  here  without  waiting  for  or  seeking 
action  by  other  powers.  Though  favored  by  unpre- 
cedented circumstances  abroad,  and  signally  successful 
thus  far,  negotiations  are  blocked  until  after  the  election 
by  the  idea  that  the  next  Administration  may  be  hostile  to 
the  present  policy  of  the  Government. 

Danger  of  Acting  Alone. 

Standing  alone  among  the  great  commercial  nations, 
the  United  States  would  attempt  free  coinage  with  great 
risk  and  difficulty.  Each  and  all  would  be  anxious  to 
get  what  gold  they  could  from  this  country  without  giv- 
ing the  United  States  a  fair  chance  to  determine  how  far 
its  single-handed  effort  would  go  towards  restoring  bi- 
metallism. If  other  nations  did  not  hold  American  bonds 
and  stocks  and  other  obligations  to  an  enormous  amount, 
which  could  be  sent  hither  by  holders  for  quick  realiza- 
tion, the  risk  would  be  less,  and  the  chance  of  drawing 
away  gold  and  breaking  the  credit  of  tlie  United  States  in 
the  midst  of  its  undertaking  would  be  much  smaller.  The 
Democratic  party,  as  usual,  is  fighting  for  foreign  countries 
and  against  the  interests  of  tliis  country  when  it  insists 
that  our  Government  shall  open  its  mint  to  the  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver  without  an  effort  to  reach  any  agree- 
ment with  other  nations. 

The  President  Should  Be  Sustained. 

The  Republican  party  is  abundantly  able  to  settle  this 
question,  as  it  has  settled  every  other  great  question  yet 
committed  to  its  charge — safely,  wisely  g,nd  honestly.  It 
needs  only  to  be  upheld  by  the  people  in  serving  their  in- 
terests. If  it  is  confirmed  in  the  possession  of  power  by  a 
verdict  of  the  people  this  year,  the  President  will  then  be 
able  to  speak  with  the  unquestioned  authority  of  the  great 
Republic  in  dealing  with  foreign  powers.  He  will  not 
then  be  crippled  by  the  doubt  in  foreign  minds  whether  a 
change  of  Administration  may  not  bring  a  total  change  of 
policy.  When  foreign  powers  are  assured  that  the  United 
States  will  gladly  join  them  in  restoring  bimetallism  for 
the  common  good  of  all,  but  will  not  suffer  them  to  break 
its  credit  or  destroy  its  prosperity  for  their  own  advantage, 
they  will  quickly  see  that  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom  to  join 
in  settling  the  long-vexed  problem  of  the  monetary  basis. 


167 


WILD -CAT  BANKS. 


Democrats  Against  All  Honest  Money, 


HOW  THE  OLD  STATE  BANKS  PLUN- 
DERED  THE  PEOPLE. 

A  Scheme  Hostile  to  Silver  and  Gold. 


A  party  having  so  detestable  a  record  as  that  of  the 
Democratic  party  might  despair  of  making  it  worse.  But, 
among  other  things  at  once  ridiculous  and  offensive,  the 
Democratic  Convention  declared  :  "  We  recommend  that 
the  prohibitory  10  per  cent,  tax  on  State  bank  issues  be 
repealed."  If  this  means  anything,  it  means  to  revive  the 
wild-cat  banking  system  which  disgraced  and  robbed  the 
country  in  days  of  Democratic  supremacy,  the  fitting 
financial  outcome  of  that  political  barbarism  which  up- 
held slavery  and  rebelled  against  a  free  government. 
The  old  State  banks,  the  infamous  party  favoritism  behind 
them,  their  wholesale  plunder  of  the  people,  and  the 
frightful  obstacles  which  they  placed  in  the  way  of  civil- 
ized commerce  or  individual  prosperity,  ar^  yet  remem- 
bered with  loathing  by  those  who  did  business  or  received 
wages  in  the  years  before  the  Rebellion. 

The  Curse  of  Bad  Money. 

State  banks,  with  no  uniform  security  for  bill  holders, 
nor  any  security  save  such  as  the  politicians  in  power 
happened  to  require  in  any  State,  formerly  sent  their  bills 
all  over  the  country.  Whether  those  bills  were  good,  bad 
or  doubtful,  nobody  could  be  sure,  nor  how  great  a  shave 
he  might  have  to  bear  if  he  tried  to  use  one  of  them  in 
buying  anything  or  paying  any  debt.  A  bank-note  detec- 
tor was  as  necessary  an  item  of  expense  to  every  business 
man  as  the  rent  of  his  store,  but  the  millions  of  working- 
men  who  could  not  afford  that  protection  were  robbed 
without  limit.  Official  returns  state  that  there  were  1,422 
State  banks  in  the  country  in  1858,  but  "  Thompson's 
Detector  "  of  January  2,  1958,  published  a  list  of  broken, 
closed  and  worthless  State  banks,  numbering  758,  in  the 
different  States  as  follows : 

State  Banks  More  Than  Half  Broken. 

Maine 46 

New  Hampshire 22 

Vermont 12 

Massachusetts 56 

Rhode  Island 13 

Connecticut 10 

New  York  City 42 

"        "     State 147 

Total,  N.  y 189 

168 


New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 63 

Maryland 23 

Delaware 3 

District  Cohimbia 40 

Virginia 3 

NortkCarolina 2 

South  Carolina 2 

Georgia 13 

Ohio G4 

Indiana 68 

Illinois 16 

Michigan 25 

Wisconsin 7 

Kentucky 6 

Tennessee : 7 

Louisiana 10 

Alabama 9 

Mr.  Thompson,  the  veteran  editor  of  the  "  Bank  Note 
Detector,"  estimated  that  the  loss  of  bill  holders  in  only 
ten  years  ending  with  1860  was  $75,000,000,  which 
averaged  more  than  $13.85  for  every  family  in  the  land. 
Others  estimated  the  loss  from  broken  banks  alone  at  five 
per  cent  every  year  on  the  whole  circulation.  With  the 
present  paper  circulation  of  more  than  a  thousand  mill- 
ions, this  would  mean  over  $50,000,000  every  year.  But 
for  thirty  years  not  one  bill  holder  has  ever  lost  a  single 
dollar  by  the  breaking  of  banks  established  under  Repub- 
lican laws. 

Paper  at  a  Discount. 

This  was  not  the  worst  of  the  vile  system  which  the 
Democratic  Party  proposes  to  revive.  Because  not  even 
the  author  of  a  detector  could  tell  from  day  to  day  what 
bank  had  failed  since  his  last  advices.  Bills  of  nearly  all 
banks  were  taken  only  at  a  discount  to  Insure  against  the 
prospect  of  loss.  On  the  banks  of  the  different  States 
the  discount  quoted  by  ' '  Thompson's  Detector"  January  2, 
1858,  was  as  follows  : 

East  New  Jersey |  Discount. 

New  England  (except  R.  I.) f  '* 

New  York  State |  " 

Delaware 1^  " 

Philadelphia 1^ 

Canada 1^-1^ 

West  New  Jersey 1^  " 

Rhode  Island 1^  " 

Ohio,  Kentucky,  Indiana  and  Missouri...        2"  " 

New  Orleans  and  Mobile 2  " 

Interior  Pennsylvania 2f-3  " 

Baltimore  banks H~H  " 

South  Carolina  and  Georgia 3|-4  " 

Interior  Maryland 4-4^  " 

Virginia. 5  " 

Illinois  and  Wisconsin 5|-6  ** 

North  Carolina 6|-7  " 

These  were  the  rates  charged  for  consenting  to  take 
notes  of.  the  banks  supposed  to  be  sound  in  the  various 

169 


States,  and  that  at  New  York,  the  centre  of  financial  in- 
formation. What  rates  of  discount  were  charged  in  the 
different  States  on  notes  from  banks  of  other  States  no 
one  can  say  ;  it  must  be  left  to  the  imagination. 

MoDEEN  Commerce  Impossible. 

With  such  a  currency  in  circulation,  nobody  could  enter 
into  large  engagements  based  upon  receiving  money  in 
distant  States  without  charging  for  the  risk  of  uncurreut 
money  or  discount  a  percentage  so  great  that,  in  these 
days,  it  would  make  transactions  impossible.  The  whole 
interior  trade  of  this  already  great  and  rapidly  growing 
nation  was  stunted  and  blighted  to  an  extent  which  can 
be  realized  only  by  those  who  had  to  endure  the  nuisance 
of  Democratic  State  banks.  Payments  of  60,000  millions 
are  now  made  in  a  year  with  not  the  loss  of  a  dollar  from 
bad  bills,  or  discount  to  protect  against  uncurrent  money. 
But  the  discount  alone  on  the  present  volume  of  pay- 
ments at  the  rates  above  stated  would  exceed  $100,000,000 
yearly. 

State's  Rights  Folly  Again. 

It  is  to  sensible  Democrats  a  marvel  that  their  own  or 
any  other  party  should  ever  propose  to  bring  back  upon 
the  country  so  deadly  a  curse,  and  they  blurt  out  with 
quite  superfluous  wrath  their  amazement  at  the  stupidity 
of  their  Convention.  They  ought  to  know  by  this  time 
that  the  stock  of  folly  in  that  party  is  inexhaustible.  For 
thirty  years  this  moss-grown  and  fossilized  concern  has 
been  blundering  itself  out  of  all  its  chances,  and  smashing 
its  head  against  every  stone  wall  it  could  reach,  and  yet 
it  knows  no  more  now  than  it  knew  when  it  solemnly  de- 
nounced the  creation  of  national  banks  in  1862.  Now,  as 
then,  it  stupidly  supposes  that  everything  done  by  the 
State  must  be  right,  and  that  nothing  can  he  done  as  it 
ought  to  be  by  the  General  Government  of  all  the 
States. 

Consequences  of  Repeal — A  Corrupt  System. 

Nothing,  except  the  tax  on  State-bank  circulation,  has 
for  thirty  years  prevented  the  starting  of  such  banks  by 
the  thousand.  No  man  in  the  least  acquainted  with  prac- 
tical business  will  doubt  that  the  evils  of  the  system  would 
speedily  become  as  great  as  they  ever  were.  States, 
whose  bonds  sell  all  the  way  from  nothing  up  to  par, 
would  not  fail  to  provide  for  an  endless  crop  of  banks 
without  delay.  As  in  old  time,  the  control  of  State 
officials  over  the  banks  would  be  used  by  unscrupulous 
partisans.  There  was  no  end  to  the  base  uses  to  which  the 
State-bank  system  was  applied,  and  he  knows  little  of  the 
Democratic  Party  who  imagines  that  it  has  giipwn  more 
virtuous  with  advancing  age. 

A  Flood  of  Depreciated  Paper. 

With  a  swarm  of  State  banks,  each  poaring  out  paper, 
the  value  of  which  no  one  in  other  States  could  know, 
there  would  come  another  era  of  wild  paper  inflation, 
such  as  ended  in  the  crash  of  1857.  The  country  would 
be  flooded  with  bank  notes,  which  would  drive  out  of  use, 

170 


not  only  gold,  but  also  silver,  which  would  be  quite  too 
costly  and  luxurious  a  currency  for  the  man  who  could 
get  wild-cat  bank  notes.  Monometallism  would  go,  bi- 
metallism would  go,  any  and  every  kind  of  honest  money 
would  go,  and  instead  Democrats  would  give  us  wild- 
catism. 

Stupidity  Bokn  of  Cowaedice. 

This  piece  of  amazing  stupidity  in  the  Democratic 
party  had  its  origin  in  cowardice  and  bad  faith.  The 
party  did  not  dare  to  avow  responsibility  for  the  Bland 
unlimited  paper  bill,  for  which  the  large  majority  of  Dem- 
ocrats in  Congress  had  voted.  It  had  neither  the  sense 
nor  the  courage  to  devise  a  real  silver  policy  in  accord 
with  its  pledges  to  voters.  Incapable  of  devising  anything 
new,  wanting  the  courage  or  the  intelligence  to  carry  out 
its  pledges  to  constituencies  throughout  the  country,  the 
party  followed  its  natural  instinct  by  returning  to  the  past 
and  proposing  to  resurrect  the  most  vicious  and  ruinous 
banking  system  the  world  has  ever  known. 

Trying  to  Dodge  Its  Own  Pledges. 

It  was  worthy  of  Democratic  sagacity  to  suppose  that 
the  question  of  bimetallism  for  all  the  world  could  be 
effectually  side-tracked,  and  put  out  of  Mr.  Cleveland's 
way,  by  proposing  to  allow  irresponsible  persons  all  over 
the  country  to  start  cross-road  banks,  and  to  flood  the 
country  with  substitutes  for  money.  Incapable  of  com- 
prehending the  aims  of  honest  bimetallists,  this  party 
imagined  they  wanted  only  more  dollars,  with  no  care  about 
the  value  of  the  dollars,  and  that  it  would  suit  them  per- 
fectly to  let  every  man  set  up  a  more-money  shop  of  his 
owni  and  print  so-called  dollars  to  his  heart's  content.  So 
it  comes  to  pass  that  the  party  pledged  to  free  coinage  pro- 
poses to  the  people,  as  its  idea  of  financial  reform,  to 
sweep  out  of  use  every  kind  of  coin. 


THE  PARTIES  CONTRASTED. 


Democracy  False  to  Silver. 


FALSE  TO  ITSELF. 


The  contrast  between  the  two  great  parties  is  in  noth- 
ing more  discreditable  to  Democracy  than  in  its  treatment 
of  monetary  questions.  On  the  tariff  question  it  had 
some  sort  of  courage,  if  only  the  courage  of  a  rat  driven 
into  a  corner.  It  had  some  sort  of  frankness,  if  onl^  that 
of  one  who  has  no  sense.  But  on  the  money  question  it 
has  been  false  and  treacherous  to  everj^body,  even  to 
itself.    Democrats  had  elected  Representatives  pledged  to 

171 


free  and  unlimited  coinaj^e  of  silver  by  the  United  States 
alone,  and  accustomed  to  clamor  frantically  for  it,  when 
they  iiad  no  power.  Yet  these  identical  Representatives 
numbering  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  House,  when 
assembled  in  Congress  at  Washington,  passed  no  silver 
bill  whatever  because  there  was  an  election  coming,  and 
its  passage  might  cost  some  votes.  Loud  for  silver  coin- 
age when  it  had  no  chance,  they  deliberately  chose  to  try 
the  trickster's  game  once  more  in  New  England  and  New 
York  by  pretending  in  that  latitude  unalterable  hostility 
to  free  coinage. 

Untrue  to  Its  Own  Falsehoods. 

It  is  this  same  party  which  voted  for  fiat  money  and 
payment  of  bonds  in  greenbacks,  and  then  nominated 
Mr.  Tilden.  For  Eastern  votes  it  has  now  nominated  Mr. 
Cleveland,  a  gold  monometallist ;  in  silver  States  it  pre- 
tends that  he  will  bow  to  the  will  of  his  party,  as  if  it  had 
any  will  except  to  get  office ;  in  Alliance  States  it  shouts 
for  paper  issues  of  $50  per  head,  or  1,500  millions,  against 
land  mortgages,  and  to  catch  the  men  who  want  money 
that  has  no  value  at  all  it  recommends  a  revival  of  its 
wild-cat  banks.  Not  true  in  anything,  it  has  played  the 
trickster  on  the  money  question  until  it  can  no  longer  be 
true  to  its  own  falsehoods. 

The  Republican  Party  True  to  Itself. 

On  the  money  question  in  all  its  phases  the  Republican 
party  has  preserved  throughout  the  grand  reputation 
earned  by  success  in  sustaining  armies  through  a  civil 
war,  by  specie  resumption,  by  the  safest  banking  system 
ever  devised,  and  by  such  a  reduction  of  public  debt  as 
no  other  nation  has  ever  achieved:  Again  and  again  it 
has  staked  all  its  future  upon  a  manly  refusal  to  permit 
the  money  of  tiie  people  to  be  debased.  Every  financial 
measure  proposed  it  meets  at  once  with  the  question, 
"  Will  it  make  and  keep  every  dollar  as  good  as  every 
other  dollar  ?" 

A  Party  True  to  the  People. 

It  has  met  defeat  more  than  once,  because  it  has  not 
hesitated  to  refuse  a  step  which,  in  its  conscientious 
belief,  might  impair  the  soundness  of  the  money  received 
by  the  laborer  for  his  toil  and  by  the  farmer  for  his  grain. 
It  has  never  hesitated  to  tell  gold  monometallists  that  it 
sincerely  believes  in  bimetallism,  and  intends  to  do  what 
it  can  to  restore  silver  to  monetary  use  throughout  the 
world.  It  does  not  hesitate  to  tell  advocates  of  free 
coinage  by  the  United  Slates  alone  that  danger  lies  that 
way,  and  that  a  surer,  shorter  and  safer  road  is  through 
agreement  of  nations.  It  w^ill  not  be  the  tool  of  gold 
monometallists  or  of  silver  monometallists,  but  believes 
in  a  genuine  bimetallism — in  the  largest  monetary  use  of 
silver  that  can  be  attained,  keeping  every  dollar  issued  by 
the  nation,  whether  paper,  silver  or  gold,  equal  in 
purchasing  power  with  every  other  dollar. 


172 


PENSIONS   ANI)  VETERANS, 


Contrasts  that  Show  Clearly  Where 

the    Candidates    and    Parties 

Stand  as  to  Soldiers' 

Rights. 


BOTH    DEMOCRATIC    CANDIDATES 
HIRED    SUBSTITUTES. 


Cleveland's  Pension  Record. 


Senator  Blackburn,  in  1879,  speaking  as  well  of  pension 
legislation  as  of  other  enactments,  the  result  of  Civil 
War,  declared  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  of  which 
he  was  then  a  member,  "  We  " — meaning  the  Democratic 
party — *'  do  not  intend  to  stop  until  we  have  stricken  the 
last  vestige  of  your  war  measures  from  the  statute  books." 
In  this  remark  he  anticipated  the  policy  Grover  Cleve- 
land pursued  while  President  of  the  United  States.  With 
a  Republican  Senate  to  contend  with,  Mr.  Cleveland  was 
not  in  a  position  to  strike  very  much  pension  legislation 
from  the  statute  books,  but  what  he  could  do,  and  what  he 
did  do,  was  to  prevent  more  getting  on.  Mr.  Cleveland 
was  not  a  soldier  in  the  late  Civil  War.  He  served  his 
countrymen  by  the  vicarious  sacrifice  of  a  hired  substi- 
tute. And  it  was,  perhaps,  a  thus  disinterested  point  of 
view  that  led  him  to  declare  in  vetoing  the  Dependent 
Pension  bill,  which  a  Republican  Congress  and  a  Repub- 
lican President  afterwards  put  into  law,  that  "it  is  sad, 
but  nevertheless  true,  that  in  the  matter  of  procuring  pen- 
sions there  exists  a  widespread  disregard  of  truth  and 
good  faith,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  race  after 
the  pensions  offered  by  this  bill  would  not  only  stimulate 
weakness  and  pretended  incapacity  for  labor,  but  put 
a  further  premium  on  dishonesty  and  mendacity."  Mr. 
Cleveland  was  not  in  the  race  after  pensions.  His  "  weak- 
ness and  pretended  incapacity  "  had  occurred  thirty  years 
earlier. 

Once  every  four  years  the  Democrats  in  certain  parts  of 
the  country,  but  by  no  means  in  all,  are  wont  to  tell  the 
veterans  of  the  Union  Army  what  their  party  has  done  in 
aid  of  pension  legislation.  They  make  no  mention  of  the 
fact  that  the  pension  legislation  from  1862  to  1875,  which 
is  the  basis  of  our  present  system,  was  passed  by 
Congresses  Republican  in  both  branches  and  signed 
by  a  Republican  President.  They  say  nothing  of  the 
fact  that,  during  their  furtive  control  of  one  branch  of 
government  or  another  since  1875,  only  one  or  two  im- 
portant pension  bills  were  allowed  to  become  laws,  and 
then  only  after  the  virulent  and  persistent  opposition  of 
the  great  majority  of  their  members.  Nor  do  tl>ey  speak 
of  the  malicious  record  made  by  their  late  President  and 
their  present  candidate,  who  vetoed  more  than  500  pension 
measures  sent  to  him  through  the  persistency  of  Repub- 


licans  in  Congress,  couching  his  vetoes  in  language  of  de- 
liberate insult  to  the  soldiers  and  to  the  legislators  who  by 
such  measures  had  endeavored  to  express  the  country's 
gratitude  to  those  whose  lives  had  been  offered  in  its 
service. 

Cleveland's  Insulting  Veto  Messages. 

Mr.  Cleveland  sneeringly  accused  Republican  Con- 
gresses of  having  adopted  the  theory  "  that  no  man  who 
served  in  the  army  can  be  the  subject  of  death  or  impaired 
health  except  they  are  chargeable  to  his  service."  In 
vetoing  a  bill  passed  for  the  relief  of  John  W.  Ferris  in 
June,  1886,  he  relieved  himself  of  this  beautiful  sentiment 
and  delicate  humor:  "The  ingenuity  developed  in  the 
constant  and  persistent  attacks  upon  the  public  treasury 
by  those  claiming  pensions,  and  in  the  increase  of  those 
already  granted,  is  exhibited  in  bold  relief  by  this  attempt 
to  include  sore  eyes  among  the  results  of  diarrhcea." 

In  vetoing  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Alfred  Denny,  who 
swore  that  he  was  injured  by  being  thrown  forward  on 
the  pommel  of  his  saddle,  Mr.  Cleveland  thought  it  be- 
coming to  remark:  "The  number  of  instances  in  which 
those  of  our  soldiers  who  rode  horses  during  the  War 
were  injured  by  being  thrown  forward  on  their  saddle  in- 
dicates that  those  saddles'  were  very  dangerous  con- 
trivances." It  might  be  supposed  that  it  would  have  sat- 
isfied Mr.  Cleveland's  animosities  against  the  body  of  vet- 
eran patriots,  whose  ranks  he  had  refused  to  join  thirty 
years  before,  when  he  had  used  his  veto  power  to  deny  them 
the  relief  Congress  had  deemed  it  proper  to  give  them ; 
but  it  seemed  almost  impossible  for  him  to  veto  a  pension 
bill  without  becoming  funny  at  the  expense  of  the  soldiers. 
Is  it  unreasonable  to  attribute  this  propensity  to  a  desire 
on  his  part  to  defend  his  own  record  of  cowardice,  or 
something  worse,  by  attacking  the  record  of  those  who 
had  done  and  dared  while  he  had  stopped  at  home?  In 
the  affidavit  of  Andrew  I.  Wilson  tliere  had  occurred  a 
long  recital  of  injuries  received  in  the  service.  "What- 
ever else,"  said  Mr.  Cleveland,  in  vetoing  the  bill  for  Mr. 
Wilson's  relief — "  whatever  else  maybe  said  of  this  claim- 
ant's achievements  during  his  short  military  career,  it 
must  be  conceded  that  he  accumulated  a  great  deal  of 
disability."  It  was  certainly  from  the  point  of  view  of  a 
man  who  had  not  thought  the  flag  worth  his  defending 
that  Mr.  Cleveland  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of  pen- 
sion bills.  His  patriotism  was  of  the  kind  which  was 
willing  enough  to  accept  the  highest  honors  and  the 
greatest  emoluments  in  the  gift  of  his  fellow-citizens,  but 
which  hung  back  when  they  asked  him  to  go  forward  to 
do  battle,  to  suffer  hardship  and  to  confront  danger  for 
the  salvation  of  the  Union  I 


it4 


Pensions  and  Paeties. 

'he  following  comparison  in  parallel  columns  will  show 
the  extent  and  nature  of  pension  legislation  since  tlie 
War,  enacted  by  the  Republican  party  on  the  one  hand, 
and  by  the  Democratic  party  on  the  other : 


MepuUican  Legislation. 

First  general  Act  of  1862  pro- 
vided the  most  ample  and 
generous  system  of  pensions 
that  had  up  to  that  time  Deen 
enacted  Into  law— provided  lor 
disabled  soldiers,  widows,  chil- 
dren, mothers  and  sisters. 

Act  of  July  4,  1864,  extended 
limitation  of  arrears  to  three 
years,  fixed  pensions  for  loss  of 
both  feet  at  twenty  dollars  and 
both  hands  or  eyes  twenty-five 
per  month. 

Act  of  June  6,  1866,  Increased 
pension  for  loss  of  both  hands 
or  feet,  or  one  hand  or  foot,  also 
granted  pensions  to  dependent 
fathers  and  mothers. 

Act  of  July  25,  1868,  granted 
additional  pensions  to  widows 
with  children  under  sixteen 
years  of  age,  and  gave  full 
pension  to  orphan  children. 

Act  of  July  8,  1870,  Inaugu- 
rated new  system  of  paying, 
and  protected  pensioners  from 
designing  agents. 

Act  of  February  14, 1871,  pro- 
vided pensions  for  soldiers  of 
tbe  War  of  1812  and  their 
widows. 

Act  Of  March  4, 1890,  Increased 
pensions  of  totally  helpless  to 
seventy-five  dollars  per  montli. 

Act  of  June  27, 1890,  pensions 
all  having  existing  disability, 
without  proof  that  It  was  con- 
tracted in  the  service;  also 
pensions  the  widows  of"  all 
such  and  all  soldiers'  widows 
dependent  on  their  labor. 


Democratic  Legislation. 

Act  of  March  3,  1877,  grants 
pensions  to  certain  disabled 
soldiers,  although  they  had 
engaged  In  rebellion  against 
the  United  States. 

Act  of  March  9, 1878,  restores 
to  the  pension  rolls  the  names 
of  participants  In  the  War  of 
1812  and  Indian  wars  who  had 
participated  In  the  KebelUon. 

Act  of  June  7,  1878,  limits 
fees  of  pension  agents  to  ten 
dollars. 

Act  of  June  27,  1878,  adds 
twenty-two  dollars  per  month 
to  the  pensions  of  about  two 
hundred  persons. 

Arrears  of  Pensions  Act,  intro- 
duced by  allepubUcan,  passed 
by  Republican  votes  and  signed 
by  a  Republican  President. 

Act  of  1879  repealed  the 
Arrears  of  Pensions  Act. 

Mexican  War  Pension  bill; 
benefited  mostly  Southern  men. 

Dependent  Pension  bill ; 
vetoed  by  President  Cleveland. 


How  THE  VaRIOTJS  PENSION  ACTS  WeEE  PaSSED. 

This  statement  shows  that  the  Republican  Party  has 
been  the  author  of  practically  all  the  important  legislation 
in  behalf  of  the  Union  veteran.  The  legislation  to  be 
ascribed  to  Democratic  Congresses  has  been  almost  wholly 
in  aid  of  Mexican  veterans,  whether  afterwards  engaged 
in  rebellion  or  not.  This  showing,  however,  is  not  com- 
plete. Before  the  record  of  the  two  parties  can  be  fully 
understood  it  is  necessary  to  see  how  the  members  of 
■  them  who  were  in  Congress  when  these  several  bills  were 
passed  actually  voted.  The  opposition  to  pensions  first 
developed  in  a  strongly  marked  way  in  the  vote  on  the 
Arrears  Bill  in  1879,  when  the  Democrats  had  control  of 
both  branches  of  Congress.  The  law  of  1862  had  given 
Boldiers  arrears  of  pensions  back  to  date  of  injury,  pro- 
vided they  applied  within  one  year  of  its  incurrence. 
Later  this  was  amended  so  that  they  might  apply  within 
three  years.    In  1868  the  time  was  extended  five  years 


175 


longer,  and  in  1874  a  further  extension  of  five  years  was 
given.  All  these  acts  had  been  passed  by  Republican 
Congresses.  In  1878  Mr,  Cummings,  a  Republican,  intro- 
duced a  bill  repealing  all  limitations,  but  the  Democratic 
Committee  in  chaige  of  it  refused  to  report  it.  Mr.  Has- 
kell, a  Republican,  moved  to  discharge  the  committee  and 
pass  the  bill.    On  this  proposition  the  votes  stood  : 

Democrats  for  the  bill 48 

Democrats  against  the  bill CI 

Republicans  for  the  bill 116 

Republicans  against  the  bill None 

Thus  the  bill  passed  by  Republican  votes.  Had  the 
Democrats  alone  voted  upon  it,  it  would  have  been  over- 
whelmingly defeated. 

The  next  great  pension  measure  voted  on  was  the  bill 
increasing  the  pensions  of  widows  from  eight  dollars  to 
twelve  dollars  per  month. 

The  vote  upon  this  bill  was  as  follows : 

Democratsfor  the  bill 80 

Democrats  against  the  bill 66 

Republicans  for  the  bill 118 

Republicans  against  the  bill None. 

This  vote  was  upon  a  proposition  to  suspend  the  rules 
and  pass  the  bill.  A  motion  of  that  kind  requires  a  two- 
thirds  vote  to  carry  it.  It  thus  appears  that  on  this  propo- 
sition the  bill  would  have  been  defeated  ha<i  the  Demo- 
crats alone  voted  upon  it,  for  less  than  two-thirds  of  them 
supported  it. 

In  the  Forty-ninth  Congress  the  Senate  voted  upon  a 
bill  to  pension  disabled  dependent  soldiers.  On  this  the 
vote  stood  as  follows : 

Democratsfor  the  bill. 7 

Democrats  against  the  bill 14 

Republicans  for  the  bill 27 

Republicans  against  the  bill None. 

The  Dependent  Pension  Bill. 

In  the  same  Congress  a  dependent  pension  bill  was 
voted  upon  in  the  House.  The  vote  upon  this  was  as 
follows : 

Democratsfor  the  bill 66 

Democrats  against  the  bill 76 

Republicans  for  the  bill 114 

Republicans  against  the  bill None. 

This  bill  was  vetoed  by  President  Cleveland.  It  was  in 
tills  remarkable  veto  that  he  made  use  of  the  language :  ' '  The 
soldiers  of  our  civil  war,  in  their  pay  and  bounty,  received 
such  compensation  for  military  services  as  has  never  been 
receivedbysoldiersbefore  since  mankind  went  to  war.  *  *  * 
The  really  needy  and  homeless  soldiers  of  the  rebellion 
have  been,  to  a  large  extent,  provided  for  at  soldiers' 
homes.  *  *  *  It  is  sad,  but  nevertheless  true,  that  in 
tl.e  matter  of  procuring  pensions  there  exists  a  wide- 

176 


spread  disregard  of  truth  aud  good  faith ;  *  *  *  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  race,  after  the  pensions 
offered  by  this  bill,  would  not  only  stimulate  weakness 
and  pretended  incapacity  for  labor,  but  put  a  further 
premium  on  dishonesty  and  mendacity."  The  theory  on 
which  these  ugly  lines  were  written,  that  the  American 
citizens  wlio  answered  Abraham  Lincoln's  trumpet  call  to 
duty — who  left  wife  and  sweetheart,  lielpless  youth  aud 
far  more  helpless  age  to  confront  blazing  cannon,  to  en- 
dure disease  and  starvation  in  Rebel  prisons — did  it  all 
"  for  compensation,"  and  that  they  are  well  enough  off 
when  lodged  by  charity  in  a  Soldiers'  Home,  is  a  theory 
truly  natural  to  a  man  who  was  content  to  answer  the 
draft  with  a  hired  substitute,  and  then  to  leave  his  substi- 
tute to  die  in  age  and  want  in  a  county  poorhouse  ! 

Figures  Moee  Eloquent  than  Words. 

The  House  of  Representatives  attempted  to  pass  the 
Department  Pension  bill  over  Mr.  Cleveland's  veto,  but 
as  it  required  a  two-thirds  vote  the  motion  did  not  carry. 
On  this  vote  the  result  was  as  follows : 

Democrats  for  the  bill 37 

Democrats  against  the  bill 125 

Republicans  for  the  bill 138 

R(;publicans  against  the  bill None. 

The  most  important  pension  legislation  enacted  since 
the  Republicans  lost  control  of  Congress  in  1874  was  the 
Dependent  Pension  bill,  which  was  passed  by  the  Re- 
publicans when  they  again  had  control  of  Congress  of 
two  years  ago.  This  bill  first  came  up  in  the  Senate  in 
March,  1890,  and  passed  by  the  following  vote  : 

Democrats  for  the  bill 10 

Democrats  againstthe  bill 12 

Republicans  for  the  bill 32 

Republicans  against  the  bill None. 

When  this  bill  reached  the  House,  it  was  taken  up  on  a 
motion  to  suspend  the  rules  and  pass  the  bill,  but  failed 
for  want  of  a  two-thirds  vote,  the  Democrats  opposing  it 
in  a  body.  A  few  days  later  it  was  called  up  again  and 
passed  by  the  following  vote : 

Democrats  for  the  bill 38 

Democrats  against  the  bill 71 

Republicans  for  tlie  bill 141 

Republicans  against  the  bill None. 

The  next  pension  measure  of  importance  was  the  bill 
pensioning  prisoners  of  war,  aud  allowing  them  a  per 
diem  of  two  dollars  for  every  day  that  they  were  held  as 
prisoners  of  war.  On  this  bill,  which  was  taken  up  under 
a  motion  to  suspend  the  rules,  the  vote  stood: 

Democrats  for  the  bill : 24 

Democrats  against  the  bill 78 

Republicanslfor  the  bill 119 

Republicans  against  the  bill None. 

177 


And  so  it  would  be  possible  to  go  on  indefinitely  with 
these  official  records  showing  the  attitude  of  the  two 
parties  on  the  pension  question.  A  tabulation  of  the 
votes  cast  on  the  important  pension  bills  since  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Forty-sixth  Congress,  omitting  some  of  the 
less  important  motions  voted  upon,  gives  the  following 
totals  as  shown  by  fourteen  votes  on  various  pension  bills  : 

Democrats  for  the  bills 501 

Democrats  against  the  bills 902 

Republicans  for  the  bills 1,291 

Republicans  against  the  bills 2 

General  Cutcheon,  of  Michigan,  the  gallant  and  dis- 
tinguished Union  officer  and  friend  of  the  soldier,  com- 
menting upon  these  remarkable  facts  and  figures  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  said:  "Mr.  Speaker,  I  do  not 
think  that  any  poor  words  of  mine  can  add  anything  to 
the  force  of  these  figures.  They  are  the  mute,  dumb 
mouths  that  speak  louder  and  more  eloquently  than  could 
any  human  voice." 

When  to  these  remarkable  figures  is  added  the  fact  that 
President  Cleveland  refused  his  approval  to  more  than  five 
hundred  individual  pension  bills,  one  can  but  think  that 
Senator  Blackburn  spoke  by  the  card  when  he  said  :  **We 
do  not  intend  to  stop  until  we  have  stricken  the  last  ves- 
tige of  your  war  measures  from  the  statute  books  !" 

A  COWAED,    OE  WOESE. 

To-day  out  of  every  $5  collected  for  the  expenses  of 
Government  two  go  to  the  support  of  veterans  of  the 
Army  and  Navy  that  served  in  suppressing  the  rebellion, 
and  practically  every  dollar  of  this  enormous  pension  fund 
was  appropriated  under  acts  passed  by  the  Republican 
Party  and  opposed  by  the  Democratic  Party.  The  candi- 
date of  the  Republican  Party  to-day  is  a  man  who  organ- 
ized a  regiment  from  among  his  fellow-citizens  and  led  it 
bravely  into  battle  ;  a  man  whose  military  service  won  him 
the  praise  of  Sheridan  and  Grant.  He  faced  the  cannon's 
mouth  with  calm  and  intrepid  courage.  In  conflict  he 
moved  wiiere  the  fight  was  hottest ;  he  asked  no  man  to 
go  where  he  did  not  lead  himself;  he  fared  as  his  soldiers 
fared ;  he  shared  their  afflictions  and  their  sacrifices  as  now 
he  shares  their  undying  glory.  The  candidate  of  the 
Democratic  party  when  the  War  broke  out  was  a  bachelor. 
No  claim  of  family  or  duty  existed  to  be  placed  paramount 
to  the  claim  of  his  country.  He  did  not  volunteer;  he 
did  not  ask  his  friends  and  neighbors  to  go  with  him  to 
the  front.  He  did  nothing  until  he  was  drafted,  and  then 
he  paid  S200  to  another  man  and  sent  him  off  in  his 
stead.  The  war  record  of  Grover  Cleveland  is  the  record 
of  a  man  who  confessed  himself  a  coward  or  a  sympa- 
thizer with  the  effort  to  break  the  Union  into  fragments. 
In  either  view  of  his  case,  and  without  considering  the 
record  he  made  as  President  in  overruling  the  action  of 
('ongress  with  regard  to  pensions,  is  it  possible  that  he 
can  receive  the  support  of  any  American  soldier  ? 


178 


Stevenson's  CoppERnEA.D  Record. 

Equally  glaring  is  the  contrast  between  the  candidates 
for  the  Vice  Presidency.  The  Republican  candidate  voted 
for  John  C.  Fremont  in  1856.  As  the  boy  editor  of  one  of 
the  first  Republican  newspapers  in  Ohio,  he  was  actually 
the  first  writer  in  that  State  to  advocate  the  nomination 
of  Lincoln  in  1860.  As  the  correspondent  of  a  great  Re- 
publican journal,  he  was  present  in  a  score  of  battles, 
where  he  both  fought  and  wrote  for  the  honor  and  ad- 
vantage of  his  country.  He  is  opposed  to-day  by  a  man 
who,  at  that  time,  was  a  member  of  the  Knights  of  the 
Golden  Circle,  a  secret  society  of  traitors — a  man  who  spent 
his  time  haranguing  his  fellow-citizens  in  the  effort  to  in- 
duce them  to  refuse  to  defend  the  nation,  and  in  de- 
nouncing Abraham  Lincola  and  the  boys  in  blue — the  one 
as  a  tyrant,  and  the  others  as  that  tyrant's  hirelings.  Mr. 
Stevenson  now  makes  a  feeble  and  very  painful  effort  to 
deny  his  record.  But  it  is  fastened  on  him  by  the  testi- 
mbny  of  hundreds  who  were  then  his  neighbors  and  the 
victims  of  his  anonymous  circulars  threatening  them  with 
death  if  they  dared  to  speak  or  write,  or  act  in  defense  of 
the  flag. 

These  men  are  now  running  on  a  platform  which  pre- 
tends fair  things  for  the  veterans.  But  if  they  are  elected 
it  will  be  by  the  votes  of  those  eleven  States  which  then 
constituted  the  so-called  Confederacy,  as  until  now  they 
have  constituted  the  Solid  South.  Not  in  that  part  of  the 
country  at  least,  which  is  where  their  votes  must  come 
from,  are  they  making  a  soldiers'  canvass.  The  kind  of 
speeches  which  are  arousing  their  supporters  to  shouts  of 
enthusiasm  and  exultation  is  well  illustrated  by  the  speech 
delivered  on  Monday,  August  32d,  1892,  in  the  City  of 
Fredericksburg,  Virginia,  "by  E.  E.  Meredith,  Congress- 
man from  the  Eighth  District  of  that  State,  and  now  a 
candidate  for  re-election,  and  quoted  as  follows  in  the 
"  Fredericksburg  Free  Lance,"  a  Democratic  journal  of 
that  city : 

Southern  Attacks  on  Pensioners. 

"Three  out  of  every  four  persons  who  now  receive 
pensions  are  not  entitled  to  them,  and  the  time  will  come, 
if  the  Republicans  retain  power,  when  they  will  place 
upon  the  pension  list  every  man  or  woman  who  even 
nursed  a  Union  soldier.  There  are  now  on  the  pen- 
sion rolls,  and  receiving-  pay,  twenty-five 
thousand  women,  most  of  whom  are  Avithout 
character." 

This  reference  to  the  wives  and  mothers  of  Union  sol- 
diers is  a  characteristic  and  common  occurrence  in  the 
Democratic  oratory  and  newspaper  writing  of  the  South. 

As  a  further  illustration  of  the  kind  of  newspaper 
articles  which  Southern  Democratic  editors  are  offering 
to  their  readers  as  arguments  why  Grover  Cleveland 
should  be  elected  President,  it  is  worth  while  to  quote 
the  following  article  as  it  appeared  in  full  on  August  17th, 
1892,  in  the  "  Globe,"  a  leading  Democratic  newspaper 
published  in  Durham,  N.  C.  :  ' 

' '  Some  of  the  Northern  papers  are  howling  about  the 
positive  fact  that  Grover  Cleveland  hired  a  cheap  man  to 

179 


represent  him  when  the  North  pillaged  and  plundered 
and  burned  and  ravished  the  South.  There  could  not 
be  a  better  recomineiidatioii.  The  scamps  at  the 
North  who  went  into  the  War  went  in  for  fourteen  dollars 
a  month,  with  an  explicit  understanding  that  they  should 
and  could  steal  all  that  was  in  sight.  Grover  Cleveland 
knew  that  the  country  would  need  his  services  in  1884 
and  again  in  1892,  and  he  did  not  propose  to  have  his 
body  filled  with  Northern  lead  in  order  to  give  a  Yankee 
the  chance  to  pick  his  pocket  after  he  had  been  killed. 
He  simply  did  a  good  business  job,  as  he  did 
when  he  slapped  the  dirty  beggars  called  pen- 
sioners in  tlie  face.  Why  should  he,  a  statesman 
and  a  man  of  his  intellect,  take  the  chance  of  war  when 
he  could  hire  a  cheap  fellow  to  represent  him  ?  " 

The  "Globe"  regards  that  as  one  of  the  best  things 
Cleveland  ever  did.  When  the  North  had  money ;  had 
credit  and  had  the  sympathy  of  the  world,  Cleveland 
was  for  the  South,  which  was  impoverished.  He  fig- 
ured it  out  that  he  could  hire  a  cheaper  man  than  he  was. 
All  the  North  wanted  was  to  call  men  out  and  have  them 
shot.  Grant,  at  Shiloh,  killed  more  men  than  the  slaughter 
houses  of  North  Carolina  have  killed  cattle  in  a  month. 
What  did  he  care  and  what  did  the  North  care  ?  Nothing. 
They  employed  speakers  to  get  recruits,  and  paid  them 
wonderful  salaries.  Men  who  talked  for  recruits  got  a  big 
salary,  and  the  poor  devil  whom  they  influenced  got  four- 
teen dollars  a  month  and  a  grave  without  a  mark — got  the 
bill  of  fare  which  brought  disease  and  killed  'em. 

Cleveland,  who  was  loyal  to  his  country,  saw  that  he 
had  better  have  a  servant,  so  that  he  could  do  business 
for  his  country  when  it  wanted  brains  and  ability  instead 
of  brute  force. 

If  Cleveland  had  fought  he  would  have 
been  lowered  in  the  estimation  of  the  South. 
He  did  not  propose  to  use  his  skill  in  killing  the  boys  of 
the  Southland.  So  he  paid  a  lazy  fellow,  out  of  a  job, 
three  hundred  dollars  to  represent  him  on  the  field.  He 
knew  the  fellow  could  not  kill  any  one,  and  in  that  way 
he  was  a  benefactor. 

The  Solid  South  owes  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  Grover 
Cleveland. 

Do  the  veteran  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  United  States 
desire  that  men  with  the  records  of  Grover  Cleveland  and 
Adlai  Stevenson,  supported  by  those  who,  in  Senator 
331ackburn's  language,  would  strike  from  the  statute  books 
every  vestige  of  our  pension  legislation,  shall  assume  the 
highest  offices  in  this  country  ?  Will  it  be  representative 
of  the  sentiment  of  any  Union  veteran  that  they  are  lifted 
into  place  and  power  ?  Do  men  of  gallantry  and  patriot- 
ism prefer  such  as  they  to  those  who  shared  a  soldier's 
hardships  and  a  soldier's  sense  of  duty  ?  Do  Union  vet- 
erans wish  another  four  years'  pension  vetoes,  and  of 
jibes,  and  sneers,  and  thrusts  at  those  who,  in  patriotic 
anguish  and  patriotic  ardor,  sacrificed  everything  they 
held  dear  and  sacred— sacrificed  wife,  child,  home,  mother 
— sacrificed  fortune — sacrificed  life — for  the  safety  and  the 
honor  of  the  country  and  flag  ! 


180 


THE  FLAO  ON  THE  HIGH  SEAS. 


Republican  Legislation  Has  Assured 

the  Restoration  of  the  Merchant 

Marine. 


DEMOCRATIC  ATTEMPTS  TO  UNDO  THE 
GOOD  WORK. 


Two  Hundred  Millions  May  Be  Saved. 


The  decline  of  American  shipping  on  the  high  seas  is  a 
fact  generally  recognized  and  deplored.  Men  differ  re- 
specting causes  ^nd  remedies,  but  they  agree  in  regarding 
the  dependeucQ  of  the  nation  upon  foreign  flags  for  the 
movement  of  its  ocean  traffic  as  alike  discreditable  and 
dangerous.  T^he  question  has  its  economic  side.  The  ex- 
ports and  imports  amounted  durfng  the  last  fiscal  year  to 
$1,857,679,603;  over  $200,000,000  was  paid  to  foreign 
shipowners  in  freight  charges ;  and  the  country  would 
have  been  richer,  not  poorer,  if  a  large  share  of  the  cost 
of  transportation  had  been  received  by  American  ship- 
owners. 

Then,  too,  the  question  has  its  patriotic  side.  A  great 
maritime  nation  needs  a  commercial  marine  quite  as  much 
as  it  needs  a  navy.  Dependence  upon  foreign  flags  must 
always  be  a  source  of  humiliation  and  reproach.  Wherever 
the  responsibility  for  the  decline  of  the  shipping  interests 
lies,  and  whatever  may  be  the  best  measures  for  restoring 
the  commercial  marine,  poor  in  spirit  must  be  the  Ameri- 
can who  does  not  long  to  see  the  flag  again  on  the  high 
seas! 

Why  Has  American  Shipping  Declined  ? 

A  Democrat  will  say,  "Because  it  has  been  protected 
to  death."  If  that  be  true,  it  is  an  extraordinary  excep- 
tion, for  every  other  protected  industry  is  alive  and  flour- 
ishing. "But  it  is  not  true,"  a  Republican  will  reply.  "The 
commercial  marine  has  declined  not  in  consequence  of 
Protection,  but  from  lack  of  it.  It  is  the  only  great  indus- 
trial interest  which  has  been  systematically  neglected  and 
allowed  to  languish  from  sheer  inanition."  Who  is  right, 
the  Democrat  or  the  Republican  ?  The  history  of  Ameri- 
can shipping  will  tell. 

Among  the  first  acts  of  the  first  American  Congress  was 
one  for  the  creation  and  protection  of  a  commercial  marine 
by  means  of  discriminating  impost  and  tonnage  dues. 
The  founders  of  the  Republic  regarded  ships  and  ship- 
yards as  hardly  less  important  than  a  Federal  Constitution. 
They  enacted  navigation  laws  for  the  protection  of  both 
interests.  The  discrimination  carried  American  ship- 
owners into  the  carrying  trade,  and  the  Registry  law  se- 
cufed  the  shipbuilder  against  foreign  competition.     Pro- 

iftl 


tective  legislation  had  the  desired  effect.  The  tonnage 
rose  from  124,000  in  1789  to  529,500  in  1795.  In  1810  it 
had  reached  nearly  1,000,000  tons,  and  93  per  cent,  of  the 
imports  and  90  per  cent,  of  the  exports  were  carried  in 
American  bottoms.  Shipyards  were  multiplied  all  along 
the  Atlantic  seaboard.  American  sails  began  to  whiten 
every  sea.  That  was  genuine  Protection  of  shipping 
interests,  and  it  created  a  maritime  nation  with  a  navy  as 
well  as  a  commercial  marine. 

The  Neglect  of  Shipping  Begins. 

From  1815  to  1849  the  discriminating  duties  and  tonnage 
dues  in  favor  of  American  shipping  were  gradually  re- 
moved by  the  enactment  of  free  freighting  laws  and  the 
negotiation  of  conventions  with  England  and  other 
powers  based  upon  the  principle  of  equality  of  flags. 
England  was  granted  full  reciprocity  in  our  foreign  trade, 
^first,  as  to  European  traffic  in  1815;  secondly,  as  to 
"colonial  commerce  in  1830,  and,  finally,  as  to  the  shipment 
of  cargoes  from  all  ports  of  the  world  in  1849.  The  advo- 
cates of  these  repeal  measures  justified  them  by  asserting 
that  navigation  should  be  as  free  as  air;  that  all  shackles 
on  commerce  should  be  stricken  off,  and  that  everything 
should  be  left  to  unrestricted  competition.  They  boasted 
of  it  as  a  free-trade  movement,  and  so  it  was.  It  deprived 
American  shipowners  of  the  Protection  under  which  they 
had  prospered.  From  1849,  when  the  free-freighting 
policy  was  consummated,  the  percentage  of  foreign  trade 
in  American  bottoms  has  steadily  declined.  From  1849 
to  1853  foreign  vessels  enlarged  their  business  177  per 
cent.,  and  American  vessels  only  59  per  cent. 

Results  of  Unrestricted  Competition. 

During  those  four  years  British  arrivals  of  tonnage  in 
our  ports  increased  70  per  cent.  That  was  the  be- 
ginning of  the  aggressive  policy  against  American  shipping 
by  which  British  supremacy  was  to  be  established.  Since 
1849  the  American  shipowner  in  foreign  trade  has  been 
without  direct  Protection.  There  has  been  unrestricted 
competition  in  ocean  freighting,  and  the  foreign  shipowner 
has  profited  by  it  at  the  expense  of  the  American  ship- 
owner. In  1810  about  90  per  cent,  of  the  exports  were 
carried  in  American  bottoms  ;  in  1849  the  percentage  had 
fallen  to  69,  and  the  shrinkage  has  continued  until 
to-day  only  9  per  cent,  are  under  the  flag.  This 
decline  has  gone  on  under  any  and  every  kind  of 
tariff.  The  greatest  shrinkage  in  the  American  share 
of.  the  carrying  trade  in  any  period  of  peace  was 
during  the  five  years  preceding  the  Civil  War.  That  was 
when  the  Democratic  ideal  of  statesmanship,  a  low 
revenue  tariff,  was  in  force.  The  shrinkage  was  15  per 
cent,  under  the  precise  conditions  which  the  Democratic 
party  is  now  seeking  to  reproduce.  From  1861  to  1866 
the  decline  was  33  per  cent.,  or  only  twice  as  great, 
although  English-built  privateers  were  scuttling  ships  and 
ruinous  rates  of  insurance  were  driving  the  American 
flag  from  the  seas.  As  the  American  share  of  the  carry- 
ing trade' declined  under  a  low  tariff,  so  it  has  continued 
to  shrink,  although  less  rapidly,  under  a  high  tariff,  until 

I8d 


to-day  only  13  per  cent,  of  our  foreign  transportation  is 
in  American  bottoms. 

Strangled  by  Fkee  Fkeightinq. 

Wlietber  there  has  been  a  low  tariff  or  a  high  tariff, 
American  shipping  has  not  been  in  any  sense  a  protected 
industry  under  these  conditions  of  free  freighting.  It 
has  been  exposed  to  merciless  competition  from  cheap- 
labor  countries  which  were  doing  everything  in  their 
power  to  build  up  their  merchant  fleets  while  Americans 
were  systematically  neglecting  their  shipping  interests. 
To-day  there  is  a  high  tariff  under  which  the  money 
invested  and  the  labor  employed  in  an  American  factory 
is  protected;  but  there  is  nothing  in  the  system  that 
protects  the  money  invested  or  the  labor  employed  in  an 
American  ship  in  the  foreign  trade.  American  shipping 
protected  to  death !  Why,  it  is  almost  the  only  great  in- 
dustry of  the  country  which  has  not  been  protected.  It 
has  been  strangled  by  free-trade  freighting.  So  long  as 
the  American  carrying  trade  was  protected  it  flourished  ; 
but  as  soon  as  there  was  equality  of  flags,  and  foreign 
freighting  was  conducted  under  free-trade  conditions,  it 
languished  and  declined. 

Illusteation  and  Proof. 

There  is  a  very  simple  way  of  proving  that  the  Republi- 
can is  right,  and  the  Democrat  wrong,  in  this  matter  : 
There  are  two  divisions  of  our  commercial  marine,  one  in 
the  foreign  trade,  and  the  other  in  coasting,  lake  and  river 
trade.  Both  divisions  were  protected  by  the  navigation 
laws  enacted  by  the  founders  of  the  Republic.  Protection 
was  withdrawn  from  American  ships  in  foreign  trade,  and 
the  free  carriage  of  freight  on  the  high  seas  has  been  well 
nigh  monopolized  by  European  shipowners.  But  the 
laws  excluding  foreign  ships  from  the  coasting  and 
lake  and  river  trade  were  not  repealed.  That 
division  of  the  commercial  marine  has  been 
protected  to  this  day,  and  it  has  steadily  prospered  and 
provided  employment  for  American  shipyards.  The 
coastwise  trade  had  a  registered  tonnage  of  2,704,544  in 
1861 ;  in  1890  it  had  risen  to  3,409,435.  On  the  great 
lakes  a  magnificent  fleet  of  even  greater  tonnage  has  been 
built,  and  the  cost  of  freight  transportation  has  been 
heavily  reduced.  The  American  tonnage  pass- 
ing throiigli  the  '*Soo'*  Canal  exceeds  that 
registered  for  all  flags  in  the  Suez  Canal. 
Great  shipyards  have  been  established  in  lake  ports.  The 
American  lake  and  river  marine  and  the  coasting  service 
is  the  best  built  and  the  largest  in  any  internal  waters  in 
the  world.  It  has  prospered  under  low  and  under  high 
tariffs.  And  why?  Because  it  has  never  ceased 
to  have  the  protection  of  American  law.  Its 
prosperity  under  Protection  when  contrasted  with  the 
decline  of  the  commercial  marine  in  foreign  trade 
without  Protection  proves  the  whole  case. 

Plenty  of  Freights  to  Carry. 

The  Democrat  will  say  that  the  coasting  and  river  and 
lake  fleets  have  flourished  because  there  are  no  restrictions 

isa 


i 


on  trade  between  the  States  of  the  Union  ;  and  that  the  com- 
mercial marine  on  the  liigh  seas  has  declined  in  prosperity 
because  a  "Chinese  Wall"  has  been  built  around  the  sea- 
boards in  a  high  tariff.  That  cannot  be  true.  The 
American  carrying  trade  on  the  ocean  suffered  most 
heavily  under  the  low  tariff  enacted  a  few  years  before 
the  Civil  War.  That  decline  of  fifteen  per  cent,  between 
1857  and  1861  shows  that  the  Democracy  cannot  hope  to 
restore  American  shipping  to  the  high  seas  by  means  of  a 
low  tariff.  Then,  how  absurd  it  is  to  talk  of  a 
prohibitory  "Chinese  Wall"  when  the  ex- 
ports and  imports  amount  to  $1,857,679,- 
G03! 

There  is  trade  enough  to  employ  an  enormous  foreign 
tonnage.  If,  in  1890,  our  tonnage  in  foreign  trade  was 
928,000,  whereas  in  1810  it  was  1.000,000,  and  if  we  were 
carrying  twelve  per  cent,  of  the  freight  instead  of  ninety 
per  cent.,  it  was  not  because  commerce  had  declined,  nor 
because  we  were  willing  to  sell  our  products,  but  refused 
to  buy  in  exchange.  The  following  table  shows  at  a 
glance  that  the  percentage  of  free  to  dutiable  goods  has 
steadily  increased  under  a  protective  tariff. 

Average  Years.              Free  Goods.     Dutiable  Goods. 
From  1847  to  1857 ., 12  88 

"     1857  to  1861 22  78 

McKinley  Tariff,  1892 55.4  44.6 

Protection  Has  Saved  What  There  Is. 

There  is  trade  enough,  and  the  restrictions  on  buying 
have  steadily  diminished.  Tiie  trouble  does  not  lie  in  the 
tariff.  Foreign  shipowners  have  a  magnificent  volume  of 
business  in  our  foreign  trade.  Our  shipowners  have  a 
beggarly  share  in  it.  The  trade  is  there,  but  foreigners 
have  crowded  us  out  of  it  and  live  and  prosper  at  our  ex- 
pense. We  do  not  have  the  ships  and  we  are  not  in  the 
trade  because  Protection  has  been  withdrawn  from  Ameri- 
can shipping  interests  for  forty  years.  The  coasting  and 
river  and  lake  fleets  have  prospered  because  they  have 
been  protected  by  law.  If  tlmt  trade  had  l)een  opened  to 
foreign  competition,  Americans  would  have  lost  the 
greater  part  of  it.  The  lake  fleet  would  have  been  under 
the  British  flag.  Foreign  tramps  would  have  been  pick- 
ing up  freight  along  our  seaboards,  and  we  would  have 
had  an  inferior  coasting  fleet  in  place  of  the  finest  one  in 
the  world.  The  shipbuilding  industry  would  have  been 
utterly  destroyed. 

So  much  for  causes ;  what  about  remedies  ?  The 
Democratic  party  has  its  shipping  policy.  The  Republi- 
can party  has  another  and  very  different  policy  for 
restoring  the  flag  to  the  seas.  Each  line  of  action  is 
characteristic  of  the  partv  which  proposes  it.  One  policy 
begins  and  ends  with  the  repeal  of  an  antiquated  statute. 
The  other  is  grounded  upon  the  practical  experience  of 
maritime  Europe  during  the  last  fifty  years. 

The  Democratic  Plan  Is  to  Do  Nothing. 

Since  the  disappearance  of  the  flag  from  the  high  seas 
is  a  calamity  and  a  disgrace  affecting  the  interests  and  the 
reputation  of  the  American  people,  its  restoration  to  its 

184 


rightful  place  is  a  question  of  high  national  policy.  The 
attitude  of  the  Democratic  party  toward  it  is  character- 
istic. Always  a  party  of  obstruction,  hostile  to  new  ideas, 
and,  on  general  principles,  opposed  to  legislation  of  crea- 
tive tendencies,  it  exhausts  its  energies  in  at- 
tempting to  undo  wliat  has  already  been 
done.  With  navigation  bounties  or  liberal  payments  for 
the  ocean  mails  or  the  creation  of  an  auxiliary  navy,  it 
will  have  nothing  to  do.  These  are  constructive  policies 
which  it  abhors.  It  looks  upon  the  Protective  Tariff  as 
the  sum  of  all  evils.  Its  leaders  profess  to  believe  that 
when  that  is  removed,  root  and  branch,  all  things  will  be 
fulfilled — the  revival  of  American  shipping  among  the 
rest;  but,  being  mindful  of  the  unmistakable  decline  of 
American  water  carriage  under  the  last  low  tariff,  they 
do  not  stop  with  that.  They  point  to  the  antiquated 
statute  limiting  American  registry  to  American-built  ships, 
and  demand  its  repeal  as  the  one  thing  needed  for  the 
restoration  of  the  flag  to  the  seas.  All  the  Democratic 
leaders  are  committed  to  this  policy  of  free 
ships.  They  have  made  it  the  pretext  for  systematic  op- 
position to  shipping  bills.  Their  full  party  strength,  with  a 
few  notable  exceptions,  was  thrown  against  the  Bounty  and 
Ocean  Mail  Service  bills  in  the  last  Republican  Congress. 
When  they  obtained  control  of  the  present  House  they 
brought  forward  their  alternative  plan  of  providing  the 
country  with  a  foreign-built  merchant  marine.  The  Fithian 
bill,  which  was  reported  by  the  Democratic  majority  of  the 
House  Committee  on  Commercial  Marine  and  Fisheries, 
was  a  measure  for  enabling  Americans  to  purchase  foreign- 
built  vessels  and  to  run  up  the  flag  over  them.  It  was 
not  passed,  but  was  hung  up  for  discussion  during  the 
next  session. 

Ameeioans  in  the  Old  Days. 

The  navigation  law,  relating  to  American  registry,  was 
not  enacted  for  the  protection  of  shipowners,  but  of  ship- 
builders. The  patriotic  legislators  of  the  Inde- 
pendence era  insisted  upon  having  a  mer- 
chant marine  that  was  American  from  stem 
to  stern.  They  were  not  willing  to  have  a  merchant  buy 
a  foreign  ship,  obtain  a  national  registry  for  it,  and  then 
enjoy  the  privileges  of  discriminating  impost  and  ton- 
nage dues.  They  protected  the  shipbuilder  by  limiting 
the  conditions  of  registry.  So  clearly  was  this  under- 
stood that,  when  flags  were  equalized  between  1815  and 
1849,  the  registry  statute  was  not  repealed,  but  was 
allowed  to  remain  for  the  protection  of  the  shipyards. 
.What  the  Democracy  now  aims  to  do  is  to  remove  that 
safeguard.  It  is  a  characteristic  policy.  The  Democracy 
aspires  to  restore  the  flag  to  the  ocean  by  striking  down 
the  shipbuilders  on  land — to  create  one  industry  by  de- 
stroying another.  It  has  even  a  more  malignant  purpose. 
The  merchant  marine  in  foreign  trade  was  paralyzed  by 
the  withdrawal  of  Protection  forty  years  ago.  The  mer- 
chant marine  in  inland  waters  and  in  tlie  coasting  trade 
remained  American-built  and  American-manned,  and  pros- 
pered. The  policy  office  sliips  involves  inevi- 
tably the  employment  of  foreign-built  vessels 
in  iuternal  trade.    If  they  are  bought  for  foreign 

185 


service  and  are  allowed  American  register,  they  will  drift 
into  the  coastwise  and  lake  trade.  The  shipbuilding  in- 
terests of  the  seaboard  aud  tlie  lakes  will  be  irretrievably 
ruined.  An  American-built  marine  will  disappear  from 
the  face  of  the  earth. 

First  Cost  Not  the  Main  Question. 

If  American  registry  for  foreign-built  ships  offered  an 
absolute  guaranty  of  the  creation  of  a  merchant  fleet  for 
foreign  trade,  these  terrible  risks  of  the  destruction  of 
two  established  industries  and  a  magnificent  marine  for 
domestic  trade  might  be  regarded  with  some  degree  of 
hardihood,  but  it  is  not.  The  Democratic  leaders  in  the 
Fithian  bill  are  groping  in  tlie  dark  and  grasping  at  a 
flickering  shadow.  They  assume  that  the  difference  in 
the  first  cost  of  an  American-built  aud  a  foreign-built 
ship  is  so  great  that  competition  is  impracticable.  What- 
ever that  difference  may  have  been  when  British  ship- 
yards were  first  supplied  with  expensive  plant  and  had 
the  advantage  of  skilled  labor,  it  is  now  inconsiderable. 
The  building  of  a  new  navy  has  equipped 
American  yards  with  all  tlie  requisite  ma- 
chinery. Skilled  mechanics  are  now  employed ;  the 
iron  and  steel  industries  have  been  marvelously  devel- 
oped, and,  if  the  labor  be  better  paid  here,  the  ship,  when 
built,  is  a  better  ship  and  will  have  a  longer  life.  The 
difference  in  cost  is  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the 
difference  in  operating  expenses  in  service. 

That  is  one  of  the  chief  reasons  for  the  decline  of  Ameri- 
can shipping  under  pressure  of  foreign  competition.  The 
advocates  of  free  ships  take  no  account  of  it.  They  as- 
sume that  every  difficulty  will  be  overcome  and  competi- 
tion rendered  practicable  if  foreign  ships  can  be  pur- 
chased. They  forget  that  American  wages  will  have  to  be 
paid  to  officers  and  crews,  and  that  these  will  largely  ex- 
ceed the  wages  on  competing  European  ships.  The  Am- 
erican register  will  involve  better  food  and  a  higher  cost 
of  maintenance  than  on  foreign  ships.  It  is  in  these 
respects  that  an  American  vessel  owner  has  always  re- 
quired as  much  protection  as  the  American  factory  owner, 
and  he  has  not  received  it,  but  been  left  to  struggle  help- 
lessly against  foreign  rivals  with  cheaper  labor  and  Gov- 
ernment subsidies  behind  them.  Free  ships,  even  if  they 
cost  a  little  less,  will  be  operated  as  dearly  as  American- 
built  ships,  and  they  will  not  last  as  long.  The  conditions 
for  successful  competition  will  be  as  unfavorable  as  they 
are  now. 

Free  Ships  a.n  English  Policy. 

The  Democratic  policy  of  free  ships  is  English  in  a' 
double  sense.  Great  Britain  set  the  example  of  offering 
registry  to  foreign  ships  in  1850,  but  not  until  she  had  ob- 
tained a  marked  supremacy  in  shipbuilding  and  believed 
that  it  was  safe  to  do  so.  England  also  encourages 
American  free  traders  to  persevere  in  their  demand  for  free 
sliips.  That  is  natural.  She  is  anxious  to  build  and  sell 
ships  to  Americans,  and  strongly  covets  the  privileges  of 
our  coasting  trade  and  a  large  share  of  our  lake  trade  for 
Canada.  Her  advice  is  not  strictly  benevolent  respecting 
free  ships,  and  Americans  ought  to  be  warned 

186 


rather  than  influenced  hy  it.    The  Democratic 

policy  is  English,  but  it  is  not  American.  The  leccislators 
of  the  Kevolutionary  era  were  wise  as  well  as  patriotic 
when  they  protected  alike  the  shipowning  and  the  ship- 
building interests.  Each  of 'those  interests  is  bound  up  in 
the  other.  Neither  can  tlirive  without  the  other.  The  free 
ship  movement  would  ruin  the  shipbuilder,  and  not  restore 
the  flag  to  the  ocean.  It  would  menace  the  magnificent 
coasting  and  lake  marine  with  ruin.  It  would  overwhelm 
the  nation  with  repioach  and  dishonor. 

Republican  Policies  Businesslike  and  Effective. 

The  Republican  policy  does  not  begin  with  the  abroga- 
tion of  time-honored  safeguards  for  the  protection  of 
American  shipbuilding  and  internal  and  coastwise  com- 
merce. Since  it  is  no  longer  practicable  to  protect  the 
merchant  fleet  on  the  ocean  by  discriminating  impost  and 
tonnage  dues,  it  substitutes  for  them  methods  which  have 
received  the  sanction  of  maritime  Europe.  It  aims  to  re- 
store the  flag  to  the  seas  by  liberal  payments  for  the 
transportation  of  foreign  mails,  by  the  creation  of  an 
auxiliary  navy  of  high  speed  and  by  navigation  bounties, 
if  need  be.  An  appropriation  of  $800,000  for  ocean  mail 
service  marked  the  beginning  of  this  policy.  A  Demo- 
cratic Postmaster-General  found  this  law  among  the 
statutes  of  Republican  legislation,  and  he  refused  to  exe- 
cute it,  thereby  defrauding  American  steamship  lines  out 
of  what  lawfully  belonged  to  them.  The  Republican 
Senate  in  1890  passed  a  Navigation  Bounty  and  an  Ocean 
Mail  Service  Act  over  the  votes  of  all  the  Democratic 
members  with  a  single  exception.  Both  measures  met  with 
determined  opposition  from  the  Democratic  minority  in 
the  House  during  the  following  year.  The  Bounty  bill 
was  defeated  by  a  close  vote,  but  the  Ocean  Mail  bill  was 
enacted  with  136  Republicans  and  3  Democrats  voting 
for  it,  and  115  Democrats  and  5  Republicans  against  it. 
This  measure  would  have  resulted  in  immense  benefit  to 
the  commercial  marine  if  the  subventions  to  ships  had 
not  been  reduced  in  the  House  one-third. 

Signs  of  a  Foreign  Marine  at  Last. 

Although  the  efficiency  of  the  act  was  greatly  impaired 
by  this  horizontal  cut  in  the  postal  subsidies,  it  has  not 
been  without  its  effect.  As  many  as  five  new  lines  of 
American  ships  are  to  be  established  in  Southern  trade. 
As  many  as  twenty-six  new  steamships  with  an  aggregate 
tonnage  of  150,000  will  be  added  to  the  American  mer- 
chant fleet.  Willie  these  results  are  to  be 
credited  jointly  to  the  Reciprocity  policy 
an€l  to  the  Ocean  Mail  hill,  the  approaching 
transfer  of  the  Jnnian  Line  with  the  two 
fastest  ships  afloat  to  the  American  flag  is  to 
be  attributed  to  the  Influence  of  the  shipping- 
legislation  of  the  last  Kepublican  Congress. 

American  registry  has  been  properly  granted  to  these 
two  ships  since  the  necessities  of  naval  policy,  as  illus- 
trated during  the  Chilian  complications,  required  the 
immediate  creation  of  an  auxiliary  fleet  of  high  speed. 
But  this  departure  from  the  registry  practice,  while  made 

187 


tinder  exceptional  circumstances,  has  not  been  at  the  ex- 
pense of  American  sliipbuilders.  Two  new  ships 
of  the  same  tonnage  will  he  huilt  in 
American  shipyards,  and  a  trans-Atlantic  liner  of 
the  first  class  will  be  under  the  American  flag.  All 
these  vessels,  as  well  as  the  new  ships  building  for  the 
Southern  trade,  will  be  available  for  the  purposes  of  a 
naval  reserve.  A  beginning  at  least  has  been  made 
toward  the  revival  of  American  shipping  interests,  and 
President  Harrison  is  to  be  credited  with  leadership  in 
the  movement.  In  his  messages  and  in  many 
of  his  puhlic  addresses  East,  West  and  Soutli, 
he  has  advocated  the  restoration  of  the  flag 
to  the  ocean  hy  the  payment  of  hounties,  suh- 
sidies  and  a  liberal  mail  service.  With  the 
single  exception  of  Senator  Frye,  he  has  done  more 
than  any  other  American  statesman  to  arouse  public 
interest  in  this  great  national  question. 

The  Lessons  of  Expeeienoe. 

The  Republican  shipping  policy  is  American  since  it 
aims  to  restore  the  maritime  supremacy  of  the  naf.on. 
But  it  has  received  the  sanction  of  all  the  European 
Powers  of  the  first  rank.  England's  commercial  suprem- 
acy was  established  by  steamship  subsidies  and  liberal 
payments  for  mail  service.  That  policy  was  adopted  in 
1835,  and  involved  the  organization  and  maintenance 
of  great  steam  lines  on  all  the  chief  routes  of  ocean 
traffic  now  followed.  It  has  cost  England 
$250,000,000  in  mail  subventions  of 
various  kinds,  and  it  is  worth  all  that  has  been 
paid,  for  maritime  energy  has  been  accompanied  by 
a  tremendous  expansion  of  trade.  Germany  has  pur- 
sued the  same  course  during  recent  years  and  has 
enlarged  her  commercial  empire.  France  and  Italy  have 
been  paying  bounties  and  subsidies  for  the  last  decade 
both  to  shipowners  and  shipbuilders.  Spain  grants  an 
annual  subsidy  of  $1,242,800  to  a  line  which  preys  upon 
the  business  of  American  steamships  in  the  West  Indies, 
Mexico  and  Venezuela.  Even  Chili  has  a  powerful 
national  line  under  a  subvention  from  the  Government — 
an  available  naval  reserve  in  time  of  war.  Alone  among 
nations  the  United  States  has  persisted  in  neglecting  its 
shipping  interests  while  its  European  rivals  have  been 
competing  with  unexampled  vigor  for  maritime  su- 
premacy. 

A  Baeken  Policy. 

A  strange  spectacle  it  has  been — the  richest  and  most 
prosperous  nation  on  earth  saving  its  pennies  in  ocean 
mail  contracts  and  flinging  away  its  millions  in  ocean 
freightage  to  aliens!  In  one  of  President  Cleveland's 
years  the  amount  paid  to  American  vessels  for  mail  car- 
riage was  $43,319.  Even  in  1889  the  American  lines 
received  only  $109,828— barely  more  than  a  quarter  of  the 
receipts  of  foreign  lines  from  the  American  Government 
for  the  same  service.  This  barren  policy  has  been  in  force 
when  the  actual  cost  of  the  ocean  mail  service  has  been 
25  per  cent,  of  the  revenues  derived  from  foreign  postage. 

The  richest  country  on  earth,  while  making  money  on 

188 


foreign  postage,  has  been  too  poof  to  do  anything  for  its 
shipping  !  It  has  been  content  to  have  its  mails  carried  by 
foreigners  at  the  lowest  cost  I  But,  meanwhile,  free-trade 
England  has  never  relaxed  its  policy  of  aiding  its  com- 
mercial marine.  In  1889,  when  the  United  States  was 
doling  out  $109,828  to  American  lines,  England  paid 
$3,184,425  for  its  foreign  mail  service  ;  and  there  was  never 
a  free-trade  outcry  against  subsidies  !  That  was  a  goodly 
sum,  but  it  was  barely  one-half  of  what  was  paid  when  its 
fleet  was  to  be  built  up  at  the  expense  of  American  ship- 
ping interests  which  had  been  paralyzed  by  the  withdrawal 
of  Protection,  harassed  by  hostile  discriminations  from 
the  British  Lloyds,  embarrassed  by  the  substitution  of 
iron  for  wood  in  shipbuilding,  and  finally  shattered  and 
destroyed  by  underwriters'  risks  and  piratical  raids  in 
war  time. 

A  New  Era  of  Kestoeation. 

From  1835  England  has  never  swerved  from  the  policy 
of  aiding  its  commercial  marine  by  generous  payments  for 
mail  service.  That  has  been  its  method  of  protecting  and 
developing  its  merchant  fleet  under  free-trade  conditions 
of  freighting.  Americans  made  a  spasmodic  attempt  in 
President  Pierce's  time  to  imitate  the  policy  by  payments - 
for  mail  service,  amounting  in  one  year  to  $2,000,000 — a 
Democratic  tradition  which  free  traders  have  put  out  of 
mind;  but  during  recent  years  compensation  for  mail  car- 
riage has  hardly  suflBced  to  keep  a  steamer's  engines  thor- 
oughly oiled. 

Under  these  conditions  the  cause  for  wonder  is  not  that 
American  shipping  has  reached  its  present  stage  of  decad- 
ence, but  that  there  is  anything  left  that  can  be  recog- 
nized as  a  remnant  oif  its  former  glory  and  prosperity. 
Republican  policy  points  to  a  new  era  of  restoration.  The 
building  of  the  new  navy,  the  development  of  the  iron 
and  steel  industry,  the  negotiation  of  the  Reciprocity 
treaties,  the  marvelous  expansion  of  the  nation's  foreign 
commerce,  and  the  great  markets  opened  abroad  for 
American  farm  products  and  manufactures,  offer  an  op. 
portunity  for  the  creation  of  a  new  and  powerful  merchant 
marine.  The  American  flag  has  not  been  furled  on  the 
ocean.  The  Republican  party  has  run  it  up  to  the  mast- 
head and  will  keep  it  there. 


Pay  Tribute  First  to  Ourselves. 

{Malone,  August  2G,  1892.) 

And  I  take  great  delight  in  the  contemplation  of  the 
fact,  which  I  believe  is  now  assured,  that,  before  another 
year  has  rolled  around,  one  of  the  swiftest  and  best  of  all 
the  great  lines  of  steamships  that  go  out  of  the  port  of 
New  York  will  bear  the  American  tlag  at  the  fore,  and  the 
tribute  we  have  paid  to  foreign  nations  in  the  way  of 
freight  charges  I  believe  will  speedily,  in  a  large  measure, 
be  abrogated  forever.  These  great  stores  of  agricultural 
products  which  we  pour  out  from  our  granaries  to  feed 
the  nations  of  Europe  should,  and  I  believe  speedily  will, 
be  delivered  at  the  Port  of  Liverpool  in  American  bot 
toms. 

.     —BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


THE  iNTER-OCEANIO  CANAL  POLICY. 


The  Republicans  Have  One  and  tlie 

Democrats  Notliing  But 

Sounding  Phrases. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE   AND   THE 
NICARAGUA  CANAL. 


Commercial  and  Military  Reasons. 

The  Flag  Oyer  the  Canal. 

The  Democratic  party,  when  forced  to  break  silence  on 
any  question  of  National  interest,  invariably  strikes  an 
attitude  without  committing  itself  unreservedly  to  the 
policy  and  all  that  is  implied.  Its  official  utterances  re- 
specting the  Nicaragua  Canal  are  characteristic.  It  is 
compelled,  by  the  progressive  tendencies  of  Republican 
policy  and  by  the  movement  of  enlightened  public  opinion, 
to  say  something  about  an  enterprise  which  commands 
public  sympathy  on  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  seaboards, 
the  Gulf  Coast,  and  the  Mississippi  Valley.  The  Chicago 
Platform  accordingly  declares  that  "  for  purposes  of 
National  defence  and  the  promotion  of  commerce  between 
the  States,  we  recognize  the  early  construction  of  the 
Nicaragua  Canal  audits  protection  against  foreign  control 
as  of  great  importance  to  the  United  States. 

Democratic  Vaporing. 

This  is  cartilage  without  bone.  It  is  a  vapid  generali- 
zation to  assume  that  the  opening  of  an  interoceanic 
waterway  and  its  protection  against  foreign  control  are 
matters  of  importance.  The  Democratic  party  stops 
short  of  assuming  the  responsibility  of  declaring  that  the 
canal  shall  be  under  American  control.  That  required 
grit,  patriotism  and  lucidity  of  intelligence.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  is  not  conspicuous  for  any  of  these  qualities. 

Timorous  Democratic  Diplomacy. 

In  its  reluctance  to  take  an  uncompromising  stand  on 
this  question,  the  Democratic  party  was  influenced  by  the 
traditions  of  its  timorous  canal  diplomacy  in  an  earlier 
generation.  When  the  Nicaragua  project  was  proposed, 
a  crowning  opportunity  was  offered  of  making  an  intelli- 
gible application  of  the  Monroe  doctrine.  In  the  tangled 
skein  of  inexplicable  diplomacy,  beginning  with  the  nego- 
tiation of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty,  and  dragging 
through  the  Pierce  and  Buclianan  Administrations,  the 
United  States  Government  was  duped  and  overreached. 
The  Monroe  doctrine  was  fatally  compromised  when 
Great  Britaui  was  admitted  to  an  equal  share  in  the  pro- 
tectorate of  any  canal  which  might  be  constructed  across 
Central  America.    In  return  for  this  concession,  which 

190 


ought  never  to  have  been  mode,  a  series  of  promises  were 
secured  which  have  never  been  fulfilled  to  this  day. 
British  claims  to  sovereignty  over  the  coasts  of  Nicaragua 
and  Honduras  were  nominally  withdrawn.  The  condi- 
tions upon  which  the  dual  protectorate  were  grounded 
have  been  persistently  violated  both  in  Belize  and  in  the 
Mosquito  reservation. 

Protests  Mean  Nothing. 

It  \b  in  the  old-time  spirit  of  vacillation  and  cowardice 
that  the  Democratic  party  returns  to  the  subject  of  the 
interoceauic  canal.  It  contents  itself  with  a  mild  protest 
against  foreign  control  of  the  waterway.  That  does  not 
amount  to  anything.  The  neutralization  of  the  waters 
and  the  defence  of  the  proposed  canal  must  be  guaranteed 
by  some  great  power.  If  the  conditions  of  military  and 
naval  defence  involve  the  construction  of  the  canal,  for- 
eign control  must  be  rigorously  prevented.  The  only 
practical  method  of  acconiplishing  this  object  is  the  estab- 
lishment of  American  control  of  the  canal.  The  way  to 
control  the  canal  is  to  control  it. 

Repttblioan  Policy  Uncompromising. 

The  Republican  party  recognizes  this  obligation  without 
equivocation  and  reserve.  In  its  National  Platform  of 
this  year  is  this  explicit  declaration:  *'The  construction 
of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  is  of  the  highest  importance  to 
the  American  people,  both  as  a  measure  of  national  defence 
and  to  build  up  and  maintain  American  commerce,  and 
it  should  be  controlled  by  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment." That  is  a  canal  policy  which  has  in  it  the  ster- 
ling ring  of  the  Monroe  doctrine. 

The  Nioaragtia  Project. 

Among  the  projects  of  connecting  the  two  oceans,  tlie 
Nicaragua  Canal  has  always  been  favored  by  American 
engineers  as  the  only  practicable  one.  It  has  been  under- 
taken by  an  American  corporation,  and  the  work  is  now 
in  progress  after  tlie  completion  of  thorough  and  scientific 
surveys,  which  were  neglected  by  the  French  at  Panama. 
Of  the  scheme,  as  a  whole,  it  may  be  stated  that  Nature 
has  done  a  large  part  of  the  work  of  connecting  the  oceans, 
and  has  greatly  facilitated  what  remains  to  be  finished  by 
human  effort. 

"With  and  Not  Against  Nature. 

At  Panama  the  engineers  were  working  against  Nature^ 
There  were  mountains  to  be  pierced  and  brought  down  to 
sea  level ;  there  were  floods  to  be  regulated  without  suffi- 
cient area  for  reservoirs  ;  there  was  a  deadly  climate,  and 
there  were  no  winds  in  the  Bay  of  Panama  to  carry  sailing 
vessels  out  into  the  Pacific  from  the  proposed  canal.  In 
Nicaragua  the  engineers  are  working  with  Nature.  Lake 
Nicaragua  is  within  17  miles  of  the  Pacific,  and  the 
San  Juan  River  is  a  natural  ship  channel  for  64^^  miles,  or 
within  31^  miles  of  the  Caribbean  Sea.  There  are  three 
natural  basins  of  large  area,  which  can  be  flooded  during 

m 


the  rainy  peasoii  without  injury  to  the  Canal.  There  is 
only  one  great  rock  cut,  and  that  is  insignificant  in  com- 
parison with  the  Isthmus  mountains.  Tliere  is  a  climate 
favorable  for  the  construction  of  a  work  of  the  first  mag- 
nitude. There  are  trade  winds  which  will  blow  sailing 
vessels  into  the  Canal  from  either  end  without  risk  of  their 
being  becalmed  for  weeks  at  the  other  end.  Nature  is  the 
friend  and  ally  of  the  Nicaragua  project,  and  not  its  ir- 
reconcilable foe. 

Proposals  for  a  Gitaeantee. 

The  conditions  for  the  construction  of  this  waterway 
are  so  markedly  favorable,  and  the  advantages  to  be  de- 
rived from  its  completion,  both  in  a  commercial  and  a 
military  sense,  are  so  apparent,  that  President  Harrison, 
in  his  messages,  has  taken  very  strong  ground  in  favor  of 
the  work.  The  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
after  a  thorough  investigation  of  the  subject,  reported, 
in  1891,  a  bill  embodying  a  Goverment  guarantee  of  $100,- 
000,000  for  the  enterprise.  This  measure  was  debated 
with  great  spirit  and  intelligence,  but  no  vote  upon  it  was 
reached.  The  strongest  argument  for  a  Government 
guarantee  is  that  it  will  settle  the  question  of  American 
control  of  the  Canal.  If  the  credit  of  the  United  States 
be  employed  for  facilitating  and  cheapening  the  construc- 
tion of  this  great  work,  and  for  securing  low  tolls  after 
its  completion,  all  diplomatic  controversies  will  be  rapidly 
adjusted. 

The  Clayton-Bulwer  Convention. 

The  circuit  of  canal  diplomacy  will  never  be  complete 
until  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  is  abrogated.  That  anti- 
quated convention,  which  has  never  served  any  useful 
purpose,  will  always  remain  a  source  of  embarrassment 
to  the  State  Department.  The  present  guardianship  of 
the  Mosquito  reservation  by  Great  Britain  under  a  de- 
cision rendered  by  the  Emperor  of  Austria  is  a  sufllicient 
warrant  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  United  States  from  that 
treaty.  The  conversion  of  Belize  into  a  Crown  colony 
has  been  as  clear  a  repudiation  of  the  English  covenant 
upon  which  the  joint  protectorate  was  based.  Every 
prohibition  of  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  exercise 
practical  control  over  the  canal,  and  also  to  fortify  and 
garrison  islands  in  the  lake  near  San  Carlos,  ought  to  be 
removed  by  the  cancellation  of  the  Treaty. 

American  Control  Necessary. 

American  control  will  be  necessary,  because  the  San 
Juan  River,  when  converted  into  a  ship  channel,  will  re- 
main the  boundary  between  two  rival  States,  which  have 
been  strongly  intiuenced  by  resentments  and  jealousies 
for  several  generations.  The  United  States  Government 
is  the  only  one  which  can  properly  be  depended  upon  to 
induce  these  States  to  cease  wrangling  over  their  frontiers 
and  to  maintain  friendly  relations  with  each  other  in  tlie 
interests  of  the  world's  commerce.  American  control  is 
indispensable  from  this  point  of  view.  A  joint  Protec- 
torate would  be  an  interminable  source  of  international 


strife  and  intrigue.  While  disclaiming  any  desire  to  make 
acquisitions  of  territory  in  Central  America,  the  United 
States  can  justly  claim  and  secure  the  right  of  fortifying 
the  canal,  either  at  the  ends  or  in  the  middle,  and  of  de- 
fending the  approaches  by  naval  force.  This  is  what 
American  control  will  involve,  whether  it  be  grounded 
upon  a  Government  guarantee  or  upon  an  exclusively 
Ameiican  investment. 

Commercial  and  Military  Reasons. 

The  completion  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  will  virtiially 
bring  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf  seaboards  into  direct  com- 
munication with  the  Pacific.  It  will  offer  a  magnificent 
opening  for  the  expansion  of  American  commerce  with 
the  west  coast  of  this  continent  below  California,  and 
with  China,  Japan  and  Australia.  On  this  ground  an 
American  policy  respecting  this  waterway  is  urgently  re- 
quired. Even  more  imperative  is  the  consideration  that 
the  Canal  will  bring  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  seaboards 
into  close  relations  for  purposes  of  military  and  naval  de- 
fence. That  involves  the  necessity  of  American  control 
of  the  waterway. 

England's  Line  of  Foeteesses. 

From  Halifax  to  Bermuda,  and  thence  to  Kingston  and 
St.  Lucia,  England  has  established,  during  the  last  twenty- 
five  years,  a  line  of  impregnable  naval  stations  and  dock- 
yards where  ships  can  be  repaired  and  coaled  and  military 
garrisons  marshaled  into  an  aggressive  army.  Two  of 
these  fortresses  command  the  approaches  to  the  Nicaragua 
and  Panama  Canal  routes.  With  this  menacing  line  of 
naval  stations  on  the  Atlantic  side,  it  is  only  prudent  for 
Americans  to  take  the  strongest  possible  ground  respect- 
ing the  control  and  defence  of  any  interoceanic  canal 
which  maybe  opened  on  this  continent.  The  Democratic 
party,  witli  characteristic  lack  of  courage,  evades  the 
responsibility  of  declaring  that  the  United  States  ought 
to  be  armed  with  the  exclusive  ri^ht  of  protecting  the 
Canal.  Tlie  Republican  party,  loyal  to  its  traditions  and 
true  to  its  instincts,  proclaims  an  American  Canal  policy 
that  is  strong,  positive  and  grounded  upon  enlightened 
self-interest. 

Naval  Interests  Involved. 

Secretary  Tracy  has  shown  in  one  of  his  reports  how 
great  a  saving  would  be  eftected  in  naval  expenditures  by 
the  opening  of  the  Canal.  With  the  waterway  com- 
pleted, the  naval  forces  on  the  opposite  seaboards  could 
be  readily  concentrated  in  an  emergency  like  that  of  the 
recent  Chilian  complications.  But,  in  order  that  the  Canal 
should  be  open  at  such  times  to  vessels  of  war,  it  would 
be  necessary  to  have  it  under  American  control,  just  as 
the  Suez  Canal  was  virtually  under  British  control  in  the 
Gladstone  Government's  operations  against  Egypt. 

President  Harrison's  Strong  Views. 

President  Harrison  has  advocated  the  construction  of 
the  canal  under  a  Government  guarantee  on  commercial 

193 


as  well  as  military  grounds.  *'  I  deem  it,"  he  has  said  in 
his  third  message,  ''  to  be  a  matter  of  the  higliest  concern 
to  the  United  States  that  this  Canal  should  be  speedily 
constructed,  and  at  the  smallest  practicable  limit  of  cost. 
The  gain  in  freights  to  the  people,  and  the  direct  saving 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  the  use  of  its 
naval  vessels,  would  pay  the  entire  cost  of  this  work 
within  a  short  series  of  years.  *  *  *  j  most  sincerely 
hope  that  neither  party  nor  sectional  lines  will  be  drawn 
upon  this  great  American  project,  so  full  of  interest  to  the 
people  of  all  our  States,  and  so  influential  in  its  effects 
upon  the  prestige  and  prosperity  of  our  common 
country." 

A  Resolute  Canal  Policy. 

Unless  the  French  company  can  succeed  in  its  desper- 
ate attempt  to  raise  $100,000,000  for  the  completion  of  the 
Panama  Canal,  the  Colombian  Government  will  take  pos- 
session of  what  remains  of  that  financial  wreck  early  in 
1893.  That  project  will  then  be  in  the  market  for  the 
highest  bidder  from  London  or  Berlin,  If  work  in  Central 
America  goes  on  without  interruption  the  Panama  Canal 
will  be  abandoned.  Americans  have  the  commanding 
opportunity  of  completing  the  waterway  in  Nicaragua.  It 
will  be  a  great  work  for  the  commerce  and  civilization  of 
the  world.  The  responsibility  of  protecting  that  water- 
way is  one  which  cannot  be  divided  with  any  European 
power.  It  must  be  under  American  control.  There  must 
be  no  compromise  of  the  Monroe  doctrine.  That  is  the 
principle  to  which  the  Republican  Party  is  committed 
most  positively  by  the  Platform  of  1892.  As  for  the 
Democracy,  it  has  its  attitude  and  its  empty  phrases,  but 
no  real  and  enduring  Canal  policy. 


It  Will  Win. 


The  Republican  party  has  always  fought  its  battles 
single-handed  against  great  odds,  and  now,  with  princi- 
ples untarnished  and  courage  undaunted,  it  will  again 
triumph  over  the  combined  force  of  all  its  foes. 

— JA3IE8  G.  13I.AINE. 


Social  Conditions  in  Free  Trade  England, 

The  class  of  agricultural  laborers  of  this  country  are 
never  able  to  do  more  than  make  both  ends  meet,  and 
have  to  look  forward,  in  time  of  illness  or  on  the  approach 
of  old  age,  to  the  workhouse  as  the  one  inevitable  refuge 
against  starvation.  *  *  *  Children  are  stunted  in  their 
growth  and  dulled  in  their  intellects  for  want  of  proper 
nourishment  and  proper  food.  The  houses  of  the  poor 
are  so  scanty ^and  so  ineflicient  that  the  most  horrible  im- 
morality prevails,  which  seldom  comes  to  the  surface, 
but  which  is  known  to  all  those  who  move  among  the 
poor,  while  the  ordinary  conditions  of  life  among  the 
large  proportion  of  the  population  are  siu;li  that  common 
decency  is  absolutely  impossible  ;  and  all  this  goes  on  in 
sight  of  the  mansions  of  Ihe  rich.  *  *  *  Private  charity 
of  all  forms  and  religious  organizations  can  do  nothing  to 
remedy  the  evils  which  are  so  deep  set  in  our  social  sys- 
tem.—THE  KlGllT  HON.  JOSEPH  CHAM- 
BE111.A1N. 

194 


§8 

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r4?-v>v><fi(n>A-a<o  r-mo  — —  f*rtir\ 


JSmfSfSiSi^'^K' 


nyin  ill  iij 


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^SSSRi^S?!?^^    «?r!!ld:i9o»««->o«j >-'»'«- 


196 


FOR  HONEST  ELECTIONS. 


Every  Man  to  Haye  One  Vote  and 
that  Vote  to  be  Duly  Counted. 


DEMOCRACY'S   RECORD   OF    GENERAL 
FRAUD. 


A  Non-Partisan  Commission. 


No  serious  person  will  question  the  statement  of  fact 
tliat  elections  are  not  in  all  parts  of  this  country,  surely, 
certainly,  and  unfailingly  conducted  with  fairness.  None 
will  question  that  there  is  an  electoral  disease.  None  will 
deny  that  in  certain  States  electoral  frauds  of  one  kind 
and  another  are  resorted  to  constantly  and  systematically. 
Nor  will  any  deny  that  the  foundation  principle  of  our 
form  of  government  is  the  equality  of  the  citizens  at  the 
ballot  box.  If  by  artifices,  even  legal  in  character,  one 
man  is  permitted  to  count  more  than  another  when  he 
comes  to  cast  his  vote,  a  wrong  is  committed  which,  in 
our  country  at  least,  has  all  the  qualities  of  high  treason. 

The  Republican  party  holds  nothing  so  dear  as  free  and 
fair  elections.  The  tariff,  currency,  reciprocity — all  are 
minor  issues  compared  with  that  of  a  free  ballot  and  a  fair 
count.  If  the  suffrage  is  tainted  all  is  tainted.  If  men 
go  to  Congress  who  have  no  business  there ;  if  men  are 
put  into  State  Legislatures,  there  to  vote  for  United  States 
Senators,  without  the  right  to  sit  in  such  Legislatures, 
every  elector  throughout  the  Union  is  denied  his  equal  and 
proportionate  influence  in  the  determination  of  public 
questions. 

To  Republicans  it  seems  as  if  it  ought  not  to  be  neces- 
sary to  argue  these  matters  ;  it  seems  as  if  the  equality  of 
the  suffrage,  its  purity,  its  freedom  from  all  force  and 
fraud — ought  to  be  so  dear  a  principle  to  every  American 
heart  as  that  all  measures  for  the  reformation  of  electoral 
methods  would  be  disQussed  and  determined  without  the 
slightest  reference  to  their  effect  on  partisan  majorities. 
The  idea  that  any  American  party  can  afford  to  array 
itself  on  the  side  of  dishonest  elections— that  any  party  can 
afford  to  defend  electoral  crime — certainly  ought  to  be 
repulsive  to  every  true  American. 

Demooeatio  Feauds  on  the  Ballot. 

And  yet  we  see  the  Democratic  party  in  almost  every 
State  the  persistent  opponent  of  ballot  reform  ;  the  apolo- 
gist of  electoral  crime  ;  the  beneficiary  of  all  sorts  of 
electoral  misdemeanors,  and  in  many  cases  the  author  of 
laws  intended  to  render  easy  and  safe  the  perpetration  of 
outrages  at  the  polls.  That  these  things  are  true  in  many 
Southern  States  is  a  matter  of  common  notoriety,  but  the 

197 


extent  to  which  this  tendency  has  taken  possession  of  the 
])emocratic  party  everywhere  few  people  realize.  By  a 
series  of  gigantic  frauds  the  Democratic  party  of  the  State 
of  New  York  in  the  fall  of  1891  stole  the  Legislature. 
Their  State  Board  of  Canvassers  openly  and  deliberately 
defied  the  judgments  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  five  mem- 
bers of  whom  o\it  of  seven  were  themselves  Democrats. 
Certificates  of  election  were  given  to  persons  who  were 
not  only  not  elected,  but  who  were  declared  by  the  Court 
of  Appeals  to  be  not  elected.  The  Legislature  thus  organ- 
ized passed  a  series  of  laws  intended  to  promote  frauds  at 
the  ballot  box.  They  placed  the  electoral  machinery  of 
the  City  of  New  York  in  the  hands  of  Tammany  Hall 
absolutely,  a'nd  by  a  dozen  charter  amendments  affecting 
as  many  different  cities  they  gave  over  similar  machinery 
to  individual  Democratic  officials,  such  as  mayors  and 
police  commissioners.  The  rights  of  the  minority,  and, 
in  many  cases,  of  the  majority,  were  overthrown  and 
trampled  upon. 

Ckies  of  "Force  Bill!" 

These  are  illustrations  of  the  extent  to  which  the  Demo- 
cratic  party  is  going  in  its  criminal  conspiracies  against 
the  ballot;  and,  when  a  Republican  protests,  it  is  thought 
a  sufficient  answer  to  yell  "Force  Bill !"  If  a  Republican 
says  that  ballots  ought  to  be  freely  cast  and  fairly  counted, 
liis  Democratic  neighbor  shrieks  "Force  Bill."  If  a  Repub- 
lican says  that  one  man's  influence  in  public  affairs  ought 
to  be  equal  to  every  other  man's,  he  is  at  once  accused  of 
talking  in  favor  of  Federal  bayonets  and  centralization. 
He  is  accused  of  aiming  to  control  the  election  of  Con- 
gressmen from  Washington,  and  of  seeking  to  undermine 
local  self-government. 


What  the  Elections  Bill  Peovided. 

All  such  charges  are  utterly  baseless.  The  Elections 
bill  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress  was  no  more  a  "Force 
Bill"  than  are  the  Ten  Commandments.  It  simply  re- 
cited a  number  of  acts  which  all  intelligent  persons  admit 
to  be  criminal  in  their  nature,  and  it  said  that  these  acts 
must  not  be  committed  under  penalties  of  fine  and  im- 
prisonment, to  be  adjudged  in  the  courts  of  law  through 
the  ordinary  machinery  by  which  judicial  judgments  are 
obtained  and  enforced.  Not  a  line  or  a  word  suggested 
Federal  bayonets  or  the  use  of  any  other  mode  of  pre- 
vention or  punishment  than  those  everywhere  in  use  to 
sustain  the  criminal  statutes. 

It  made  false  registration  a  crime. 

It  made  unlawful  interference  with  registration  a  crime. 

It  made  willfully  keeping  any  false  poll  list,  or  know- 
ingly entering  false  names  or  false  statements  thereon,  a 
crime. 

It  made  the  giving  or  receiving  of  a  bribe  to  induce  a 
person  to  vote  or  refrain  from  voting  a  crime. 

It  required  the  ballot  box  to  be  placed  in  plain  sight  of 
the  voters,  and  in  such  a  position  as  to  enable  the  election 
officers,  National  and  State,  and  the  voter  when  voting,  to 
see  that  tlie  ballot  was  placed  in  the  box. 

It  made  the  willful  rejection  of  legal  votes  a  crime. 

198 


It  made  the  willful  acceptance  of  illegal  votes  a  crime. 

It  made  the  fraudulent  substitution  of  one  ballot  for 
another,  for  the  purpose  of  having  the  vote  rejected,  and 
for  the  purpose  of  having  it  counted  for  a  person  other 
than  the  voter  intended,  a  crime. 

It  made  the  willfully  placing  of  ballots  not  lawfully  cast 
in  any  ballot  box  among  ballots  lawfully  cast  for  the  pur^ 
pose  of  changing  the  result,  a  crime. 

It  made  the  unlawfully  removing  of  ballots  from  a  bal. 
lot  box,  lawfully  cast,  for  the  purpose  of  affecting  the  re. 
suit  of  the  election,  a  crime. 

It  made  the  willful  false  canvass  of  votes,  or  the  false 
certification  of  such  a  vote,  a  crime. 

It  made  it  a  crime  for  every  officer  charged  with  a  duty 
under  the  law  to  willfully  neglect  to  perform  such  duty, or 
to  be  guilty  of  any  corrupt  or  fraudulent  conduct  of  prac- 
tice in  its  execution. 

It  made  false  swearing,  in  matters  pertaining  to  Con- 
gressional election,  perjury. 

It  made  stealing  the  ballot  box,  or  the  ballots,  a  felony. 

It  provided  just  punishment,  by  fine  or  imprisonment, 
or  both,  for  each  of  these  crimes  against  a  government  by 
the  people  through  manhood  suffrage. 

This  was  the  bill.  ^  There  was  not  a  section,  line,  or  syl- 
lable in  it,  besides  this,  more  than  was  necessary  to  enforce 
with  certainty  these  provisions. 

A  Non-Paetisan  Commission. 

In  pursuance  of  their  general  policy  of  misrepresenta- 
tion, the  Democrats  have  given  to  tliis  bill  in  many 
quarters  the  reputation  of  a  "force  bill."  Except  in  so 
far  as  it  enjoined  admittedly  righteous  conduct  upon  all 
people,  and  forbids  them  from  admittedly  unrighteous 
conduct,  it  is  as  innocent  of  force  as  a  proverb. 

The  Republican  party,  however,  is  in  no  sense  com- 
mitted to  this  bill,  or  to  any  other  particular  method  of 
curing  the  evil  of  dishonest  elections.  The  President,  in 
messages  to  Congress,  and  in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  has 
suggested  the  appointment  of  a  non-partisan  commission 
to  take  into  consideration  the  whole  subject  of  electoral 
laws,  and  to  arrange  a  system  which  can  be  open  to  no 
party  misrepresentation  for  the  accomplishment  of  results 
which  all  honorable  citizens  must  concede  to  be  wise  and 
necessary.  The  Republican  party  asks  nothing  except 
that  the  ballot  shall  be  everywhere  maintained  in  its 
purity,  let  the  result  on  election  day  be  whatever  it  will. 


199 


CLEVELAND'S  LABOR  RECORD. 


He  Has  Written  Himself  the  Relent- 
less Enemy  of  AH  Labor 
Reforms. 


A   FULL   AND   CORRECT    LIST    OF   HIS 
LABOR  YETOES. 


They  Include  the  Anti-Convict  Labor  Bill,  the  Mechanics' 

Lien  Law,  the  Life  and  Limb  Bill,  the  Tenement 

House    Cigar   Bill,   the    Five-Cent   Fare 

Bill,  and  the  Child's  Labor  Bill. 


Cleveland,  the  Convict  Labok  Candidate. 

In  tlie  Democratic  platform,  adopted  at  Chicfigo,  occurs 
the  following  :  "We  denounce  the  McKinley  Tariff  law, 
enacted  by  the  Fifty-first  Congress.  *  *  *  and  we 
promise  its  repeal  as  one  of  the  beneficent  results 
that  will  follow  the  action  of  the  people  in  entrusting 
power  to  the  Democratic  party." 

The  McKinley  Bill  Prevents  the  Product  of  Convict 
Labor  from  Entering  This  Country. 

The  Fifty-first  Section  of  the  present  Republican  Tariff, 
known  as  the  McKinley  Law,  provides  as  follows  : 

"  Sec.  51.  Tliat  all  goods,  wares,  articles  of  merchan- 
dise, manufactured  wholly  or  in  part  in  any  foreign 
country  by  convict  la])or  shall  not  be  entitled 
to  entry  at  any  of  lue  ports  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  importation  thereof  is  hereby  prohibited,  and 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  authorized  to  prescribe 
sucli  regulations  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  enforcement 
of  this  provision." 

Under  the  direction  of  this  statute,  no  article  is  admit- 
ted into  this  country  without  a  sworn  statement  from  the 
shipper  and  the  importer  that  it  is  not  the  product  of  con- 
vict labor.  ■  This  is  a  part  of  the  law  which  the  Demo- 
cratic platform  declares  will  be  repealed  in  case  power  is 
entrusted  to  the  Democratic  Party. 

Cleveland,  the  Convict-Labor  Candidate. 

If  it  is  argued  that  the  Democratic  attack  upon  the  Mc- 
Kinley law  is  not  aimed  at  this  particular  section,  the  an- 
swer is  that  Mr.  Cleveland,  as  President  of  the  United 
States,  has  already  committed  himself  to  the 
policy  of  employiiif^r  convicts  in  Oovernment 
works,  and  of  deriving  Government  revenue  from  their 
labor  in  direct  competition  with  free  labor. 

200 


Not  only  would  Mr.  Clevelantl  admit  the  product  of 
foreign  convict  labor,  but  he  would  employ  a'l  the  con- 
victs in  Federal  prisons  in  industrial  pursuits,  and  would 
have  the  Government  make  money  out  of  their  work. 

In  his  annual  message,  dated  December  Gth,  188G,  Mr. 
Cleveland,  referring  to  the  construction  of  penitentiaries 
for  the  confinemennt  of  all  prisoners  convicted  and  sen- 
tenced in  United  States  Courts,  says : 

"  Upon  consideration  of  this  subject  it  might  be  wise 
to  erect  more  than  one  of  these  institutions  located  at 
such  places  as  would  best  subserve  the  purposes  of  busi- 
nesss  and  economy  in  transportation.  The  considerable 
cost  of  maintaining  these  convicts,  as  at  present,  in  State 
institutions  would  be  saved  by  the  adoption  of  the  plan 
proposed;  and,  by  employing  them  in  the  niami- 
factiire  of  such  articles  as  were  needed  lor 
use  by  the  Government,  quite  a  larj?e  pecun- 
iary benefit  would  be  realized  in  partial  re- 
turn for  our  outlay." 

Cleveland's  Peesistent  Hostility  to   Labor  Reforms. 

Not  only  by  this  ugly  recommendation,  but  by  actually 
twice  preventing  the  full  enactment  of  anti-convict  labor 
laws,  has  Mr.  Cleveland  demonstrated  his  desire  to  utilize 
prison  labor  in  competition  with  the  labor  of  freemen. 
In  1886,  and  again  in  1888,  he  killed  by  "  pocket  vetoes  " 
Acts  of  Congress  forbidding  the  use  by  the  Government 
of  the  product  of  convict  labor.  This  law  became  opera- 
tive only  when  Cleveland  was  defeated,  and  General 
Harrison  became  President.  Then  it  was  promptly 
signed. 

The  following  is  an  itemized  record  of  Cleveland's  acts 
in  opposition  to  labor  reforms : 

While  Governor  of  New  York : 


He  vetoed  the  mechanics'  lien  law  bill,  making 
the  wages  of  workingmen  engaged  in  the  construction  of 
buildings  a  first  mortgage  on  the  property. 

He  vetoed  the  life  and  limb  bill,  making  employers 
responsible  for  accidents  happening  from  imperfect  ma- 
chinery or  inferior  construction  of  buildings. 

He  vetoed  the  tenement  house  cigar  bill,  for- 
bidding the  manufacture  of  cigars  in  tenement  houses. 

He  vetoed  the  bill  compelling  the  elevated  roads  of 
New  York  City  to  charge  only  5  cents  fare. 

He  vetoed  the  printers'  bill,  requiring  all  the 
State  printing  to  be  done  by  union  working- 
men. 

He  vetoed  the  bill  making  ten  hours  a  legal  day's 
work  for  all  street-car  employees. 

He  vetoed  the  bill  abolishing  convict  labor  in 
prisons,  although  this  proposition  when  submitted  to 
the  popular  vote  of  the  people  was  carried  by  a  majority 
of  60,000. 

He  vetoed  the  child-labor  bill  providing  for  the  in- 
spection of  factories  where  children  were  .employed,  and 
prohibiting  the  employment  of  children  under  fourteen 
years  of  age. 

201  ■ 


He  signed  the  bill  compelling  the  stationary  engineers 
of  New  York  City  to  pay  a  tax  of  $2  per  year  to 
the  Police  Pension  Fund  or  be  debarred  from  following 
their  vocation. 

He  signed  the  bill  reducing  the  fees  of  the 
New  York  Harbor  pilots,  which  bill  benefited  only 
the  foreign  steamship  monopolies. 

While  President  of  the  United  States : 

He  killed  by  a  "pocket  veto"  the  Arbitration 
bill,  compelling  the  reference  to  impartial  arbiters  of 
labor  controversies  in  certain  contingencies. 

He  killed  by  a  "  pocket  veto"  the  Anti-Convict 
Labor  bill  of  1886,  and  also  that  of  1888,  forbidding 
the  use  by  Government  officials  of  any  merchandise  the 
product  of  convict  labor. 

And,  in  his  message  of  December  6,  1886,  he  recom- 
mended the  employment  of  all  Federal  con- 
victs in  manufacturing  pursuits  in  Federal  prisons  and 
the  use  by  the  Government  of  the  product  of  their 
labor. 

Will  Honest  Woekingmen  Vote  to  Bring  Their  Labor 
Into  Competition  with  That  of  Convicts  ? 

Grover  Cleveland  has  thus  written  himself  the  Convict- 
Labor  Candidate.  There  is  no  mistaking  his  intention  or 
that  of  his  party.  The  Democrats  will  repeal  the  Mc- 
Kinley  bill  if  it  is  entrusted  with  power.  The  product  of 
foreign  convict  labor  will  then  come  into  our  ports  freely, 
and  prisons  will  be  built  by  the  Federal  Government, 
while  convicts  will  be  employed  in  the  manufacturing 
industries,  the  Government  realizing  the  profits  of  their 
labor. 

Do  the  workingmen  of  the  United  States  desire  to  have 
this  programme  carried  out  ?  If  they  do,  they  will  vote 
for  Cleveland  and  Stevenson,  the  convict-labor  candidates 
on  a  convict-labor  platform  ;  if  they  do  not,  they  will  vote 
for  Harrison  and  Reid,  and  they  will  sustain  the  Repub- 
lican law  which  forbids  the  entry  of  the  products  of  con- 
vict labor  in  competition  with  the  production  of  American 
citizens. 


Presidents  and  Vice-Presidents. 


Presidents. 

Vice-Presidents. 

Term  of  Office. 

George  Washington. 
John  Adams 

John  Adams 

1789  1797 

Thomas  Jefferson . . . 

Aaron  Burr 

George  Clinton 

George  Clinton 

Elbridge  Gerry 

Daniel  D.  Tompkins. 
JohnC.  Calhoun.... 
John  C.  Calhoun... 
Martin  Van  Buren  .. 
Richard  M.  Johnson. 

John  Tyler 

1797  1801 

Thomas  Jefferson. . . 
Thomas  Jefferson. . . 

James  Madison 

James  Madison 

James  Monroe 

Jolin  Q.  Adams 

Andrew  Jaclison.... 
Andrew  Jackson  ... 
Martin  Van  Buren  .. 
William  Henry  Har- 
rison  

1801-1805. 
1805-1809. 
1809-181  i. 
1813-1817. 
1817-1825. 
18:25-1829. 
1829-1833. 
18;i3-1837. 
1837-184J. 

1841-1  month. 

John  Tyler 

1841-1845—3  years  11  mos. 

1845-1849. 

1849-1  year  4  months. 

1849-1853—2  years  8  mos. 

1853-1857. 

1857-1861. 

1861-1865. 

1865-1  month. 

1865-1869—3  years  11  mos 

1869-1873. 

1873-1877. 

1877-1881. 

1881-61,^  months. 

3  yeai-s  5]^  months. 

1885-1889. 

1889 . 

James  K.  Polk 

Zachary  Taylor 

Millard  Fillmore  .... 

George  M.  Dallas. . . . 
Millard  Fillmore.... 

Franklin  Pierce 

James  Buchanan... 
Abraham  Lincoln.. . . 
Abraham  Lincoln.. . . 
A  ndrew  Johnson 

William  B.  King  .  . . 
J.  C.  Breckenridge  .. 
Hannibal  Hamlin.... 
Andrew  Johnson ... 

Ulysses S.  Grant.... 
Ulysses S.  Grant.... 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes 
James  A.  Garfield... 
Chester  A.  Arthur  . . 

Schuyler  Colfax 

Henry  Wilson 

William  A.  Wheeler. 
Chester  A.  Arthur.. 

Grover  Cleveland.. . . 
Benjamin  Harrison. 

T.  A.  Hendricks 

Levi  P.Morton 

Popular  Vote  for  President. 


1880. 

1884. 

1888. 

States. 

la 

It 

S5 

O 

It 

it 

5 

Alabama .... 

56,221 

91,185 

59,591 

93,951 

56,197 

117,320 

Arkansas.. .. 

42,436 

60,775 

50,895 

72,927 

58,752 

85,962 

California... 

80,348 

80,426 

102,416 

89,288 

124,816 

117,729 

Colorado  .... 

27,450 

24,647 

36,290 

27,723 

50,774 

37,507 

Connecticut- 

67,071 

64,415 

65,923 

67,199 

74,584 

74.920 

Delaware.... 

14,133 

15,275 

12,951 

16,964 

12,973 

16,414 

Florida 

23,654 

27,964 

28,031 

31,766 

26,657 

39,561 

Georgia 

54,086 

102,470 

48,603 

94,667 

40,496 

100,499 

Illinois 

318,037 

277,321 

337,474 

312,355 

370,473 

348,278 

Indiana 

232,164 

225,522 

238,463 

244,990 

263,361 

261,013 

183,927 
121,549 

105,845 
59,801 

197,089 
.   154,406 

177,316 

211,598 
182,904 

179,877 
102,745 

Kansas 

90,132 

Kentucky.... 

106,306 

149,068 

118,122 

152,961 

155,134 

183,800 

Louisiana.... 

38,637 

65,067 

46,347 

62,540 

30,484 

85,a32 

Maine 

74,039 

65,171 

72,209 

52,140 

73,734 

50,481 

Maryland.. .. 

78,515 

93,706 

85,699 

96,932 

99,986 

106,168 

Mass 

165,205 

111,960 

146,724 

122,481 

183,892 

151,855 

Miclilgan .... 

185,341 

131,594 

192,669 

149,835 

236,387 

213,469 

Minnesota... 

93,902 

53,315 

111,923 

70,144 

142,492 

104,;385 

Mississippi.. . 

34,854 

75,750 

43.509 

76,510 

30,096 

85,471 

Missouri 

153,.567 

208,609 

202,929 

235,988 

236,257 

261,974 

Nebraska — 

54.979 

28,523 

76,912 

54,391 

108,425 

80,552 

Nevada  

8,732 

9,613 

7,193 

5,578 

7,229 

5,326 

N. Hampshire 

44.852 

40,794 

43,249 

39,183 

45,724 

43,382 

New  Jersey. . 

120,555 

122,565 

123,440 

127,798 

144,344 

151,493 

New  York.... 

555,544 

534,511 

562,005 

563,154 

648,759 

635,757 

N.  Carolina .. 

115,874 

124.208 

125,068 

142,952 

134,784 

147,902 

Otilo 

375,048 

340,821 

400,082 

368,280 

416,054 

396,455 

Oregon 

20,619 

19,948 

26,860 

24,604 

33,291 

26,522 

Pennsylva'ia 

444,704 

407,428 

473,804 

392,785 

526,091 

446,633 

Ehode  Island 

18,195 

20,779 

19,030 

12,391 

21,968 

17,530 

S.  Carolina.. 

58,071 

112,312 

21,733 

69,890 

13,736 

65,825 

Tennessee. . . 

107,677 

128,181 

124,078 

133,258 

138,988 

1.58,779 

Texas 

57,893 

156,428 

93,141 

225..309 

88,422 

234,883 

Vermont 

45,567 

18,316 

39,514 

17,;3:31 

45,192 

16,788 

Virginia 

84,020 

128,586 

139,356 

145,497 

150,438 

151,977 

W.  Virginia.. 

46,243 

57,391 

63,096 

67,317 

78,171 

78,677 

Wisconsin  .. 

144,400 

114,649 

161,157 

146,459 

176,553 

155,232 

Total 

4,454,416 

4,444,952 

4,851,981 

4,874,986 

5.440.216 

5,538,2.33 

Majority  .... 

9,464 

Plur'lity 

23,005 

98,017 

Tote  in  the  New  States  for  Congress,  1888. 


Idaho 

Montana 

North  Dakota. 
South  Dakota. 
Washington . . 
Wyoming 


Eep. 

Dem. 

Ind.  Rep. 

8,151 

6,404 

1,458 

22,486 

17,360 

25,290 

15,801 

44,906 

25,044 

26,201 

18,920 

10,451 

7,557 

Plu. 


1,747 
5,126 
9,489 
19,862 
7,281 
2,894 


304 


Population  of  the  United  States. 


states  and  Territories. 


Alabama 

Arkansas .». 

Arizona 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

District  of  Columbia. 

Florida 

Georgia 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Idaho 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota ,». .. 

Missouri 

Mississippi 

Montana 

New  Hampshire 

New  Jersey 

New  Mexico 

New  York , 

North  Carolina 

North  Dakota 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

Ohio 

Oklohama 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania 

Rhode  Island 

South  Carolina 

South  Dakota 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Utah 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

West  Virginia 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 


Grand  total. 


1890. 


1,513,017 

1,128,179 

59,620 

l,208,i;3O 

412.198 

746,258 

168,49.3 

230,392 

391,422 

1,837,353 

3,820,351 

2,192,404 

1,911,896 

84,385 

1,427,096 

1,858,635 

1,118,587 

661,086 

1,042.390 

2,2:38,943 

2,093,889 

1,301,826 

2,679,184 

1,289,600 

132,159 

376,530 

1,444,933 

153,593 

5,997,853 

1,617,947 

182,719 

1,058,910 

45,761 

3,672,316 

61,834 

313.767 

5,258,014 

345,506 

1,151,149 

328,808 

1,767,518 

2,235,523 

207,905 

332,422 

1,655,980 

349,390 

762,794 

1 ,686,880 

60,805 


32,622,250 


1880. 


1,262,-505 

802,525 

40,440 

864,694 

194,327 

622,700 

146,608 

177,624 

269,493 

1,542,180 

3,077,871 

1,978,301 

1,624,615 

32,600 

996,096 

1,648,690 

939,946 

648,936 

934,943 

1,783,085 

1,636,937 

780,773 

2,168,380 

1,131,597 

39,159 

346,991 

1,131,116 

119,565 

5,082,871 

1,399,750 

36,909 

452,402 

62,266 

3,198,062 

174,768 

4,282,891 

276,531 

995,577 

98,268 

1.542,359 

1,591,749 

143,963 

332,286 

1,512,565 

75,116 

618,457 

1,315,497 

20,789 


50,155,783 


1870. 


38,558,371 


Dakota  In  1870  was  14,181. 


205 


Harrison's  Vote  at  Minneapolis. 


Vote    of    Candidates    for    President.    Republican   National 
Convention,  June  7,  1892,  Minneapolis. 


States. 


Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas . 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts.. 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri , 

Montana. .  

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New  Hampshire 

New  Jersey 

New  York 

North  Carolina. 
North  Dakota . . 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania. . . 
Rhode  Island... 
South  Carolina. 
South  Dakota . . 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

"Washington 

West  Virginia.. 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming., 


Territories. 

Alaska 

Arizona 

Distinct  of  Columbia 
Indian  Territory  .... 

New  Mexico 

Oklahoma 

Utah 

Total 


Harrison. 

Blaine. 

McKinley 

Leed. 

15 

0 

7 

0 

15 

0 

1 

0 

8 

9 

1 

0 

0 
4 

8     . 
0 

0 

8 

0 
0 

4 

1 

1 

0 

8 

0 

0 

0 

26 

0 

0 

0 

0 

6 

0 

0 

34 

14 

0 

0 

30 

0 

0 

0 

20 

5 

1 

0 

11 

0 

9 

0 

22 

2 

1 

0 

8 

8 

0 

0 

0 

12 

0 

0 

14 

.     18 

0 
1 

2 

11 

0 
0 

7 

2 

19 

0 

8 

9 

1 

0 

i3>; 

28 

4 

0 

0 

2 

0 

5 

1 

0 

0 

15 

0 

1 

0 

0 

6 

0 

0 

4 

2 

0 

1 

18 

2 

0 

0 

27 

mi 

35 

10 

1 

0 
-   0 

2 

4 

0 

0 

1 

0 

45 

0 

1 

0 

7 

0 

19 

3 

42 

0 

5 

1 

1 

1 

13 

3 

2 

0 

8 

0 

0 

0 

17 

4 

3 

0 

22 

6 

0 

2 

8 

0 

0 

0 

9 

13 

2 

0 

1 

6 

1 

0 

12 

0 

0 

0 

19 

2 

3 

0 

4 

2 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

1 

1 

0 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

1 

1 

0 

0 

6 

0 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

535 1/6 

1821/6 

183 

4 

Absent  and  not  voting  1%. 
Whole  number  of  votes  in  Convention,  906 
necessary  to  a  choice,  453. 

General  Harrison's  majority  over  all,  166. 


number  cast,  904X ; 


^m 


p 


Cleyeland's  Yote  at  Chicago. 


Vote    of  Candidates    for   President.     Democratic    National 
Convention,  June  21,  1892,  Chicago. 


1 

State. 

"S 

5 

1 

a 
0 

1 
P. 

a 

a 
0 

d 
0 

.22 
0 

i 

s 
« 

99 

Alabama 

14 
16 
18 

2 

1 

2 

2 

1 

Ifi 

Arkansas ., . 

California    ... 

18 

R 

Colorado 

3 

5 

12 
6 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

12 
6 
5 

17 

H 

Florida 

3 

26 

Georgia 

Idaho 

5 

'  "e 

4 

•• 

.. 

•18 

Illinois 

48 
30 

30 

9fi 

Indiana 

Iowa 

"26 

'"2 
11 

*i" 
1 

9X 

'6 

•• 

?0 

Kansas 

20 

18 

3 

9 

6 

24 

28 

18 

8 

34 

.... 
1 

W 

Kentucky        

16 
191 

Louisiana 

Maine 

16 

Maiyland 

i 

80 

Mas>acliusetts 

4 

1 

28 

Michigan 

•• 

18 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

18 

3 

3 

4 

•• 

34 

Missouri 

Montana 

6 

6 
■■■4 

"ie 

'i 

"i" 

2 

'5" 

'5 

m'i 

;> 

16 

Nebraslca..  . 

15 

6 

Nevada  

8 
90 

New  Hampshire 

New  .Jersey 

8 
20 

""72 
■   "6 

72 

New  York 

99. 

North  Carolina 

6 

14 

8 

64 

8 

2 

7 

24 

23 

8 

12 

8 

7 

24 

3 

2 

5 

2 

2 
4 
2 
2 

6 

North  Dakota    . . 

46 

Ohio     

8 

Oregon  

64 

Pennsylvania 

8 

Rhode  Island   . . . 

.... 

' 

18 
8 

South  Carolina....;,.. 
South  Dakota 

3 

13 

1 

.... 

•• 

•• 

94 

Tennessee 

80 

Texas V .'  . 

1 

6 

.. 

•• 

•• 

8 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

24 

8 

11 
""l 

1 
■3" 

:■; 

i 

"i 

12 

West  Virginia    

?4 

Wisconsin           "    

6 

Wyoming 

3 

i" 

•• 

•• 

2 

Alaska 

.... 

6 

Arizona 

2 

District  Columbia 

Indian  Territory 

New  Mexico...         

2 
6 

"  i 

'"'1 

.... 

•• 

2 

Oklahoma 

2 

Utah 

1 

2 

910 

Total 

617K 

114 

103 

3 

2 

36y, 

14 

16% 

1 

Whole  number  of  votes  In  Convention,  910 ;  necessary  to  a  choice, 
607,  or  two  thirds ;  Mr.  Cleveland's  majority  over  all,  324. 


207 


The  Electoral  College. 


How  IT  Stood  Under  the  Old  Apportionment  and  How  it 
Stands  Now. 


States. 


Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia  

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky , 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachuoetts. . . 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi , 

Missouri 

Montana — 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New  Hampshire. 

New  Jersey 

New  York. 

North  Carolina . . 
North  Dakota.... 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania.... 
Rhode  Island . . . . 
South  Carolina.. 
South  Dakota.. . . 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

West  Virginia.. . . 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 


Olc 


401 


New. 


11 

8 

9 

4 

6 

3 

4 

13 

3 

24 

1.5 

13 

10 

13 

8 

6 

8 

15 

14 

9 

9 

17 

3 

8 

3 

4 

10 

36 

11 

3 

23 

4 

32 

4 

9 

4 

12 

15 

4 

12 

4 

6 

12 

3 

444 


Increase. 


43 


Electoral  votes  necessary  to  a  choice,  223. 


The  New  Congress. 


Its  Apportionment  Among  the  States  According  to  the  Law  of 

1890. 

Tbe  New  Apportionment  Bill,  whlcli,  however,  does  not  go  Into 
effect  until  March,  1893,  after  the  Presidential  election,  provides  lor 
a  House  of  356  Representatives,  being  an  increase  of  24  over  the 
present  number.  No  State  avIII  lose  a  member.  New  York  will  con- 
tinue with  Its  present  representation.  The  States  whose  member- 
ship In  the  House  will  be  augmented,  are  as  follows:  Alabama,  gain 
of  1 :  Arkansas,  1 ;  California,  1 ;  Colorado,  1 ;  Georgia,  1 ;  Illinois, 
2;  Kansas,!;  Massachusetts,!;  Michigan, !;  Minnesota,  2;  Mis- 
souri,!; Nebraska,  3;  New  Jersey,!;  Oregon,!;  Pennsylvania,  2 ; 
Texas,  2 ;  Washington, ! ;  Wisconsin.  !.  The  principal  gain  is  ob- 
served in  the  Western  States,  which  acquire  14  of  the  24  new  mem- 
bers. The  South,  counting  Missouri  as  a  Southern  State,  gets  6, 
while  the  remainder  is  distributed  among  Pennsylvania,  New  Jer- 
sey and  Massachusetts.  The  representation  of  the  Northern  States 
is  therefore  Increased  by  18.  The  Electoral  College  Is  augmented  by 
24  new  members,  giving  that  body  a  membership  of  444,  making  223 
votes  necessary  for  election.  The  present  numoer,  counting  in  the 
nve  new  States,  Montana,  Idaho,  Wyoming,  North  and  South  Da- 
kota, is  420.  This  is  Increased  by  24  under  the  new  bill.  The  new 
members  are  from  the  same  States  as  the  new  representatives. 


States. 


Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

( 'olorado 

Connecticut . . . 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota.  ... 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Montana 


flrr 

Popula- 

^ ^ 

tion  in 

0)..-, 

1890. 

^B 

« 

!,513,0!7 

9 

1,!28,!79 

6 

1,208,1 80 

7 

412,198 

2 

746,2.58 

4 

168,493 

1 

391,422 

2 

1,837,353 

11 

84,385 

1 

3,826,35! 

22 

2,192,404 

13 

1,911,896 

11 

1,427,096 

8 

1,-58,635 

1! 

1,118,587 

6 

661,086 

4 

1,042,390 

6 

2,238,943 

13 

2,093,889 

12 

1,304,826 

7 

1.289,600 

7 

2,679,184 

15 

132,159 

1 

States. 


Nebraska 

Nevada 

New  Hampshire. 

New  Jereey 

New  York 

North  Carolina.. 
North  Dakota... 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania... 

Rhode  Island 

South  Carolina.. 
South  Dakota... 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

West  Virginia... 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 


Total 61,9U8,906  356 


Popula- 
tion in 


1,058,910 
45,761 

376,530 
1,444.933 
5,997,853 
1,617,947 

182,919 
3,67-2,316 

313,767 
5,2.58,014 

345,506 
1,151,149 

328,808 
!,767,.518 
2,235,523 

332,422 
1,6.55,980 

349,390 

762,794 

1,686.880 

601705 


Ratio  of  Representation  in  the  United  States  House  of 
Representatives. 

From  1789  to  1792  as  provided  by  the  U.  S.  Constitution ....     30,000 

"     1792  "  1803  based  on  the  U.  S.  Census  of 1790    33,000 

"   1803  "  1813   "   "  "    "     "   " 1800  33,000 

"   1813  "  1823   "    "  "    "     "   » 1810  35,000 

"   1823  "  1833   "   "  "    »     "   " 1820  40,000 

♦«   1833  "  1843   '*    "  "    "     "   " 1830  47,700 

"   1843  "  18-.3   "    "  "    "     "   " 1840  70,680 

"   1853  "  1863   "   "  "    "     "   " 1850  9-3,420 

'*   1863  "  1873   ''   •''  "   "     "   " 1860  127,381 

"   1873  "  1883   "   "  "   "     "   " 1870  131,425 

"   1883  "  1893   "   "  "   "     "   ".  ...,.,  1880  151,912 


209 


The  Congress  Apportionment  of  1890. 


states. 

1890. 

1880. 

Increase. 

Alabama   

9 
6 

7 
2 

i 

2 
11 

1 
22 
13 

'I 

11 
6 
4 
6 

13 

12 
7 
7 

15 
1 
6 
1 
2 
8 

9 
1 

21 
2 

30 
2 
7 
2 

10 

13 
2 

10 
2 
4 

10 
1 

8 
5 
6 
1 
4 
1 
2 
10 

20 

13 

11 

7 

11 

6 

4 

6 

12 

11 

5 

7 

14 

3 
1 
2 

7 
34 
9 

21 
1 

28 
2 
7 

10 
11 
2 
10 

4 
9 

1 
1 
1 
1 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

1 

1 
2 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

I 

Kentucky  

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massacbusetts 

1 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

8 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

1 

Montana 

Nebraska  .... 

3 

Nevada 

New  Hampshire    

New  Jersey , 

1 

New  York 

North  Carolina 

North  Dakota  ... 

1 

Ohio 

Oregon 

1 

Pennsylvania 

2 

Rhode  Island 

South  Carolina 

South  Dakota 

Tennessee 

Texas 

2 
*2 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

2 

West  Virginia 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 

1 
1 

Total 

356 

325 

31 

The  Territories— Alaska,  Arizona,  District  of  Columbia,  Indian 
Territorj'-,  New  Mexico,  Oklahoma  and  Utah— will  each  be  repre- 
sented by  a  delegate.  The  delegates  have  no  voice  nor  vote,  except 
upon  questions  pertaining  to  their  locality. 


210 


New  York  in  1888. 


The  Vote  by  Counties  Showing  Eepublican  Strength  Above  and 
Democratic  Below  the  Harlem, 

(From  the  Republican  Reference  Book.) 


Counties. 


Allegany  .... 

Broome 

Cattaraugus. 

Cayuga 

Chautauqua. 
Chenango.... 

Clinton 

Columbia — 
Cortlandt.... 
Delaware  — 

Dutchess 

Erie 

Essex 

Franklin  .... 

Fulton     and 

Hamilton.. 

Genesee 

Herkimer 

Jefferson  — 

Lewis 

Livingston. . . 

Madison 

Monroe 

Montgomery. 

Niagara 

Oneida 

Onondaga.... 
Orange 


tag 

wo 

1^ 


7,067 
8,405 
8,586 
9,646 
12,108 
5,798 
6,271 
6,447 
4,732 
6,602 
10,265 
31,612 
5,043 
3,757 

5,892 
4,952 
6,683 
9,861 
4,369 
5,584 
7,199 
21,650 
6,365 
6.856 
16,241 
20,144 
11,261 


3,625 
6,447 
6,173 
6,380 
6,178 
4,640 
4,724 
6,037 
3,163 
5,332 
9,249 
29,543 
2,930 
3,028 

4,634 
3,633 
5,611 
7,562 
3,807 
4,067 
4,641 
16,677 
5,677 
6,429 
14,276 
14,001 
10,852 


3,442 
1,958 
2,413 

1,158 
1,547 
410 
1,569 
1,270 
1,016 
2,069 
2,113 
2,729 

1,258 

1,319 

1,072 

2,299 

562 

1,517 

2,558 

4,973 

688 

457 

1,965 

6,143 


d 

i 

Counties. 

s 

a 

W 

Otsego 

7,829 

6,972 

Oswego 

11,296 

7.429 

Orleans 

4,277 

3,214 

Ontario 

6,957 

5,753 

Putnam 

2,098 

1,515 

Rensselaer... 

15,718 

15,410 

St.  Lawrence 

14,611 

6,.509 

Saratoga .... 

8.594 

6,570 

Schenectady. 

3.633 

3,328 

Schuyler. .... 

2,704 

1,975 

Steuben 

11,637 

9,154 

Sullivan 

3,860 

3,757 

Tioga 

4,852 

3,609 

Tompkins . . . 

5,073 

3,909 

Ulster 

10,825 

10,487 

Warren 

4,135 

2,883 

Washington. 

8,023 

4.284 

Wayne 

7,850 

5,120 

Wyoming. . . . 

4,899 

3,166 

Yates 

3,410 

2,150 

53^ 


857 
3,867 
1,063 
1,204 

583 

308 
8,102 
2,024 

305 

729 
2,483 

103 
1,213 
1,164 

338 
1,252 
3,739 
2,730 
1,7£3 
1,260 


Harrison  majorities  above 
the  Harlem 


Below  the  Harlem. 


91,197 


Suffolk I  7,167    I  6,600  I       567 


Majorities  in  Counties  car- 
ried by  Harrison 


91,764 


Q11 


Counties  Carried  by  Cleveland,  1888. 
Above  the  Harlem.  Below  the  Harlem. 


Counties. 

1 

p 

Counties. 

1 
3 

s 

is 

■§§ 
IS 
IS 

Albany. 

Chemung.... 

Greene 

Rockland.... 
Schobarle.  .. 

Seneca 

Westchester. 

21,037 
6,037 
4,494 
3,934 
5,006 
3,705 

14,948 

19,362 
5,467 
4,460 
3,013 
3,696 
3,576 
1,379 

1,675 

570 

84 

926 

1,310 
129 

1,149 

Kings 

New  York.. 
Richmond. . 
Queens 

Total  vote. . 
Below  Har- 
lem  

Total  In 
State.. 

82,507 

162,735 

5,764 

12,683 

7,052 

106,922 

4,100 

11,017 

12,455 

55,813 

1,664 

1,666 

635,965 

650,338 

71,598 
5,793 

5,793 

77,391 

Recapitulation.  ^ 

Harrison's  majority  above  Harlem 91,197 

Less  Cleveland's  majority  above  Harlem 5,793 

Actual  majority  Harrison  above  Harlem 85,404 

Cleveland's  majority  south  of  Harlem 71 ,598 

Less  Harrison's  majority  south  of  Harlem 567 

Actual  majority  Cleveland  south  of  Harlem 71,031 

f  n  other  words,  Harrison  came  to  the  Harlem  River  with ....  85,404 

Cleveland  came  north  to  the  Harlem  River  with. 71,031 

Majority  Harrison  over  Cleveland 14,373 


213 


Where  Hill  Led  Cleyeland. 


The  vote  op  New  york  by  Counties  for  the  Leading  Dsmockatic 

Candidates. 

(From  the  Republican  Reference  Book.) 


Counties. 


Albany 

Allegany .... 

Broome 

Cattaraugus. 

Cayuga 

CJiautauqua. 
Cliemung  — 
Chenango.... 

Clinton 

Columbia . . . . 
Cortlandt . . . . 

Delaware 

Dutchess 

Erie 


Franklin 

Fulton  and  Hamilton. 

Genesee 

Greene 

Herkimer c 

Jefferson 

Kings 

Lewis 

Livingston „ 

Madison ... 

Monroe 

Montgomery 

New  York , 

Niagara ., 

Oneida „ 

Onondaga 

Ontario 

Orange 

Orleans 

Oswego 

Otsego 

Putnam 

Sueens 
ensselaer 

Richmond 

Rockland 

St.  Lawrence 

Saratoga 

Schenectady ,. 

Schoharie 

Schuyler.. 

Seneca 

Steuben 

Suffolk „... 

Sullivan..,.. 

Tioga 

Tompkins 

Ulster. -.».. 

Warren 

Washington 

Wayne , 

Westchester 

Wyoming 

Yates 


Totals 


Hill's 
Vote  by 
Counties. 


21,634 
3,662 
6,544 
6,274 
6,693 
6,205 
6,240 
4,630 
4,756 
6,047 
3,188 
5,229 
9,233 

8;3,050 
2,977 
3,067 
4,660 
3,722 
4,439 
5.640 
7,616 

82,933 
3,850 
4,188 
4.826 

17,602 

5,749 

168,454 

6,633 

14,786 

14,679 
5,818 

10,854 
3,243 
7,510 
7,068 
1,475 

12.653 

15,827 
5,532 
3,841 
6,631 
6,573 
3,305 
5,000 
2,045 
3,731 
9,418 
6,386 
3,825 
3,620 
3,814 

10,550 
2,944 
4,304 
6,258 

14,485 
8,318 
2,222 


Cleve- 
land's 
Vote  by 
Counties. 


650,464. 


21,037 
3,625 
6,447 
6,173 
6,380 
6,178 
6,037 
4,640 
4,724 
6,037 
3,163 
5,332 
9,249 

29,543 
2,930 
3,028 
4,634 
3,633 
4,494 
5,611 
7,562 

82,507 
3,807 
4,067 
4,641 

16.677 

5,677 

162,735 

6.429 

14,276 

14,001 
E,753 

10,852 
3,214 
7,429 
6,972 
1,515 

12,683 

15,410 
5,764 
3,939 
6,509 
6,570 
3,328 
5,006 
1,975 
8,705 
9,154 
6,600 
3,757 
3,609 
3,909 

10,487 
2,883 
4,284 
5,120 

14,948 
3,166 
2,150 


635,965 


Hill's 
Gain  over 
Cleve- 
land by 
Counties 


597 
37 
97 

101 

313 
27 

212 


,507 
47 
39 


54 
425 

43 
121 
185 
925 

72 

5,719 

204 

510 

678 

65 
2 

29 

81 


417 


122 
3 


70 

26 

264 


63 

61 

20 

138 


152 
72 


15,884 


Cleve- 
land's 

Gain  over 
Hill  by 

Counties. 


10 


103 
16 


214 
'"95' 


463 


Thus  Hill,  In  47  Counties,  led  Cleveland, 
Cleveland,  In  13  Counties,  led  HllL . . . 


15,844 
1,385 


Hlllled  Cleveland  In  State ...      14,449 

213 


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Exports  and  Imports. 

TABLE    A. 

Exports,  Imports  and  dutiable  Imports  each  year,  stated  In 
millions  and  decimals.  Thus  292.9  means  $29^,900,000;  percentage 
of  Imports  that  were  free  of  duty  each  year ;  amount  of  duties 
collected,  also  in  millions  and  decimals ;  and  percentage  of  duties 
collected  to  the  value  of  dutiable  imports,  and  to  the  value  of 
all  imports. 


M 

m 

<v 

<D 

1 

Percentage  to 

1 

1 

Id 

0  OJ 

3 

Dutiable 

Total 

w 

P 

^ 

P 

Imports. 

Imports. 

1859.. 

292.9 
333.5 
219.5 
190.6 
203.9 

331.3 
353.6 
289.3 
189.3 
243.3 

1860... 

1861... 

1862.., 

1863... 

1864... 

158.8 
166.0 
348.8 
294.5 

316.4 
2.S8.7 
4^.8 
395.7 

1865  , 

1866... 

1867... 

361.1 

4.50 

168.5 

46.67 

44.56 

1868... 

281.9 

357.4 

329.7 

4.40 

160.5 

48.63 

46.49 

1869... 

286.1 

417.5 

372.7 

5.50 

176.5 

47.22 

44  65 

1870... 

392.8 

435.9 

406.1 

4.74 

191.5 

47.08 

42.23 

1871... 

442.8 

520.2 

459.6 

8.12 

202.4 

43.95 

38.94 

1872... 

444.2 

626.6 

512.7 

8.51 

212.6 

41.35 

37.00 

1873... 

522.5 

642.1 

484.7 

26.90 

184.9 

38.07 

26.95 

1874... 

586.3 

567.4 

415.7 

26.73 

160.5 

38.53 

26.88 

1875... 

513.4 

532.0 

379.7 

27.83 

154.5 

40.62 

28.20 

1876... 

540.4 

460.7 

324.0 

80.26 

145.2 

44.74 

30.19 

1877... 

602.5 

451.3 

299.0 

82.02 

128.4 

42.89 

26.68 

1878... 

694.9 

4:^7.1 

297.1 

82.24 

127.2 

42.75 

27.13 

1879... 

710.4 

445.7 

296.7 

82.45 

133.4 

44.87 

28.97 

1880... 

8?A6 

667.9 

419.5 

83.15 

182.7 

43.48 

29.07 

1881... 

902.4 

642.7 

448.1 

81.13 

193.8 

43.20 

29.75 

1882... 

7.50.5 

724.6 

505.5 

29.42 

216.1 

42.66 

80.11 

1883... 

823.8 

723.2 

493.9 

29.52 

210.6 

42.45 

89.92 

1884... 

740.5 

667.7 

456.3 

31.15 

190.3 

41.61 

28.44 

1885... 

742.2 

577.5 

386.7 

33.28 

178.1 

45.86 

30.59 

1886... 

679.5 

6;B5.4 

413.8 

33.83 

189.4 

45.55 

30.13 

1887... 

716.2 

69-2.3 

450.3 

34.11 

214.2 

47.10 

81.02 

1888... 

695.9 

723.9 

46H.1 

34.87 

216.0 

45,63 

29.99 

1889... 

742.4 

745.1 

484.8 

34.61 

220.6 

45.13 

29.50 

1890... 

857.8 

789.3 

507.6 

34.39 

226.5 

44.41 

29.12 

1891... 

884.5 

8^14.9 

466.4 

45.41 

216.9 

•46.28 

25.25 

1892... 

1,030.3 

827.4 

369.4 

42.18 

177,9 

48.16 

21.50 

215 


Values  in  1889  and  1890. 

Tablk  B.— The  following  from  the  report  of  the  Senate  Finance 
Committee  on  retail  prices  and  wages  shows.  In  Column  l,  the  aver- 
age cost  of  all  articles  In  each  month  from  June,  1889,  to  September, 
1891 ;  in  the  second  column  averages  of  all  articles  according  to 
their  Importance  in  consumption  for  the  same  dates,  and  In  the 
third  column  averages  of  all  articles  except  butter,  eggs,  potatoes 
and  vegetables,  prices  of  which  change  with  the  season  of  the  year, 
the  remaining  articles  being  taken  according  to  their  relative  im- 
portance. 


1 

2 

3 

June,  1889.. 

$100  22  $100  03 

$99  99 

July 

100  lOi  100  08 

100  04 

August 

99  89 

99  92 

100  01 

September. 

99  86 

99  99 

99  96 

October.... 

100  07 

100  69 

99  97 

November. 

100  23 

101  03 

99  96 

December . 

100  48 

101  60 

100  05! 

Jan.,  1890. . 

100  69 

101  77 

100  07! 

February.. 

100  01 

101  90 

100  lo: 

March 

100  98 

101  72 

100  15; 

April 

100  76 

101  24 

100  02 

Way 

100  66 

100  72 

99  73 

June 

100  34 

99  87 

99  53 

July 

100  15 

100  40 

99  56 

Aug.,  1890. 
"eptembei-. 
October . . . 
November. 
December. 
Jan.,  1891. 
Febraary.. 

March 

April 

May 

June 

July 

August .... 
September 


1 

2 

$99  88  $100  32 

99  94 

100  71 

100  10 

101  15 

100  35 

101  74 

100  84 

102  59 

101  15 

103  11 

101  27 

103  30 

101  28 

103  29 

101  46 

102  99 

100  99 

102  24 

100  38 

101  23 

99  95 

100  48 

99  36 

99  50 

99  36 

99  56 

$99  47 
99  53 
99  71 
99  99 
100  16 
100  29 
100  38 
100  46 
99  91 
99  61 
99  32 
99  03 
98  90 


Wages  of  Farm  Laborers, 


1892. 

1890. 

1888. 

1885. 

1882. 

1879. 

Eastern  States. . .. 

Middle  States 

Southern  States... 
Western  States. . . . 
Afountain  States.. 
Paciflc  States 

$26  46 
23  83 
14  86 
22  61 
32  16 
36  15 

$26  64 
23  62 
14  77 
22  01 
31  94 
34  87 

$26  03 
23  11 
14  54 
22  23 
33  37 
36  73 

$25  30 
23  19 
14  27 
22  27 
30  24 
37  78 

$26  55 
23  21 
14  67 
23  26 

36  50 

37  22 

$21  36 
20  24 
12  65 
19  81 

40  11 

Average 

$18  60 

$18  34 

$18  »4 

$18  06 

$18  58 

$16  05 

Tin  Plates  Imported, 


Quantity,  lbs. 

Value. 

1877 

222,307,980 
242,646,871 
278,544,822 
369,435,844 
377,072,728 
439,746,895 
453,724,126 
527,881,321 
505,559,076 
574,098,405 
570,643,389 
632,224,296 
727,945,972 
674,664,458 
1,0.57,711.501 
418,176,202 

$9,818,069  69 
9,893,639  61 
10,248,720  34 
16,524,590  19 
14,641,057  87 
16,550,834  64 
16,688,276  67 
18,931,072  70 
16,610,104  56 
17,719.957  12 
16,883,813  95 
19,034,821  03 
21,002,209  15 
20,746,427  73 
36,355,579  79 
12,315,292  00 

1878 , 

1879 

1880 

1881 

1882 r... 

1883 

1884 

1885 .... 

1886 

1887 

1888 

1889 

1890 

1891 

1892 

216 


Tin  Plate  and  the  New  Duty, 


Manufacturers'  Wholesale  Prices  op  Tinware,  with  Old  Dutt 
ON  Tin  Plates,  and  Cost  of  Same  if  Whole  of  Present  In- 
creased Duty  of  1.2  Cents  Per  Pound  Is  Added  : 


*35  cents  per  dozen. 


317 


Prices  of  Cotton  Bagging— iu  Cents  per  Lb. 


January 

February... 

March 

April 

May 

June 

July 

August 

September.. 

October 

November. . . 
December. . . 
January,  '92 
Februaiy... 


1890. 


IX  Itos. 


7^ 

7 

6X 

^i 

6>^ 

6 

e}4 

6¥ 

6j^ 


2  lbs. 


8 

7l-< 

^Yi 

7 

63^ 

6% 

6^4; 

?>^ 

7 


2^  lbs. 


8% 
8M 
^M 
83^ 
8}^ 
6% 

Y 

7K 
7X 


1891. 


1%  lbs. 


5X 
5% 
534; 
5X 

5X 
5)4 


2  lbs. 


6% 
6% 
63^ 

?« 

6 


2K  lbs. 


7)^ 


6X 
6% 
7?i 
6K 
6M 
6^ 

6X 
6>^ 
6^ 


Imports  of  Manufactures. 


Peoteotion  fok  American  Manufaotuees — It  Gives  Ad- 
ditional Employment  to  Amekioan  Labor  and  In- 
vestment FOE  American  Capital. 

If  we  consider  the  effect  of  the  new  tariff  upon  the  lead- 
ing articles  of  manufactures  by  compariug  the  imports  of 
these  articles  during  the  fiscal  years  1890  and  1892,  it  will 
appear  there  was  a  considerable  decrease  as  follows : 


Manufactures. 

1890. 

1892. 

Decrease. 

Wool    

$56,582,432 
29,918,055 
38,686,374 
41,679.501 
4,105,262 
28,421,279 

$a5,565.879 
28,323,725 
31,172,894 
28,423,883 
2,928,851 
26,285,217 

$21,016,553 

1,594,330 

.7,513,480 

13,255,618 

Cotton    

Silk 

Iron  and  Steel 

Tobacco  

1,176,411 
2,1:36,062 

Flax,  Hemp,  etc 

Total 

$199,392,903 

$152,700,449 

$46,692,454 

**  It  is  proper  to  say  in  this  relation  that  there  has  been 
an  increase  in  the  imports  of  wools,  $4,424,035  ;  in  lead 
and  manufactures  of  lead,  $2,89&,720;  in  metals,  and 
metal  compositions  of,  $2,340,401 ;  cement,  $1,682,020 ; 
earthen,  stone  and  china-ware,  $1,677,162,  and  furs  and 
manufactures  of  furs,  $2,643,359." 

"  I  regard  this  statement  as  a  complete  refutation  of  the 
assertions  and  declarations  of  the  free-traders  in  regard  to 
the  effect  of  the  present  tariff  upon  trade  and  commerce, 
as  well  as  upon  our  domestic  industries." 
Charles  Foster, 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

August  25,  1892. 


218 


The  War  Debt  Reduced. 


Kearly  Two  Thousand  Million  Dollars  Paid  to  the  Nation's 
Creditors  Under  Republican  Policy  and  Plans. 

STATEMENT  Showing  the  annual  requirements  of  the  Sinking 
Fund,  the  amount  of  bonds  and  other  securities  applied  thereto, 
the  Interest  and  premium  paid  thereon,  and  the  total  amount  ex- 
pended for  the  fund  from  April  1, 1869,  to  June  30, 1892 : 


Annual 

Applications  to  the  Fund. 

Fiscal 

Year. 

Requirement. 

Bonds  and 
otlier 

Interest  and 
Premium 

Total  Amount 

Se  rarities. 

I'aid. 

Applied. 

1869 

$6,725,809  63 

$.8,691,000  00 

$1,511,243  23 

$10,205^,243  23 

1870 

^7,660,879  14 

88,151,900  00 

4,098,057  22 

32,249,957  22 

1871 

.  28,574,562  78 

29,936,250  00 

2,910,413  73 

32.846,663  73 

1872 

29,598,187  82 

32,618,450  00 

4,365,958  72 

36,984,408  72 

1873 

30,222,250  79 

28,678,000  00 

4,063,643  62 

32,741,643  62 

1874 

30,852,447  93 

12,936,450  00 

1,617,659  83 

14,554,109  88 

1875 

31,519,501  18 

25,170,400  00 

353,061  56 

25,523,461  56 

1876 

33,584,775  82 

32,183,488  09 

257,517  91 

32,441.006  00 

1877 

33,729,833  20 

24,498,910  05 

5,776  52 

24,504,686  57 

1878 

35,429,001  80 

17,012,634  57 

809  92 

17,013,444  49 

1879  .  ... 

36,955,604  63 

723,662  99 

308  77 

723,971  76 

1830 

40,135,450  00 

73,904,617  41 

3,731,272  02 

77,635,889  43 

1881 

42,737,616  13 

74,480,?^!  05 

1.768,670  39 

76,249,021  44 

1832 

44,905,330  76 

60,137,855  55 

612,039  53 

60,749,895  08 

1883 

45,389,026  00 

44,897,256  96 

329,761  48 

45,227,018  44 

1884 

46,486,536  04 

46.790,229  50 

318,879  93 

47,109,109  43 

1835 

47,393,186  83 

45,604,035  43 

271,667  32 

45,875,702  75 

1886 

44,872,710  64 

44,551,043  36 

242,487  45 

44,793.530  81 

1887 

46,537,849  00 

47,903.248  15 

232,083  42 

48,135,331  57 

1888 

46  818,149  18 

43,732,550  00 

3.085,592  98 

46,818,142  98 

1889 

47,804,172  99 

39.066,173  35 

8.737,953  04 

47,804,126  39 

1890 

48,321,127  76 

39,847,839  50 

8,473.506  06 

48,321,345  56 

1891...... 

49,077,301  37 

44,006,111  37 

5,070,950  22 

49,077,061  59 

1892 

49,063,114  32 

37,574,179  98 

181,109  02 

37,755,289  00 

Totals.. 

$924,394,426  34 

$883,096,637  31 

$52,240,423  89 

$935,337,061  20 

The  total  deht  of  the  United  States,  less  cash  In  the 
Treasury,  at  Its  maximum  point,  August  31, 1865, 
was $2,7.56,431,571  43 

On  June  30,  1892,  It  was 841,526,463  60 

Making  a  reduction  of  the  deht,  less  cash  In  the 

Treasury,  of $1,914,905,107  83 

Or  $990,510,681.49  more  than  the  requirements  of  the  Sinking 
Fund  called  for. 


219 


Wages  Here  and  in  England. 


An  Objrct  Lesson  for  the   American  Workingman— Protection 
vs.  Free  Trade. 

A  table  showing  rates  of  wages  paid  in  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain : 


Occupations. 


1  Boots  and  shoes 

2  Cotton  Goods  Printers 

3  Carpet  Weavers 

4  Cup  Makers 

5  Dyers 

6  Designei-s 

7  DishMalcers 

8  Fullers - 

9  Hat  Makers 

10  Hollow  Ware  Makers. . 

11  Laborer 

12  JSlechanlcs , .... . 

13  Printers 

14  Pattern  Makers 

15  KoUlng  Mill  Hands. .  . 

16  Spinners 

17  Turners  in  Wood. 

18  Tinners 

19  Weavers 

Averages 


Wages 
in  tiie 
U.   S. 


$2  56 


Wages 

in 
Gr.  Br. 


$  85 
2  01 
1  21 

1  60 
83 

2  00 
1  60 

98 
1  05 
1  35 

64 
1  16 
1  09 
1  24 
1  21 
1  17 
1  33 
1  22 


$1  23 


Difference 

in  favor 

U.  S. 


$1  46 
2  66 
1  79 
1  68 

1  42 

2  12 
1  64 

52 

72 

1  64 

66 

1  15 

1  17 

1  33 

2  23 
56 

1  50 

1  24 

78 


$1  33 


American  workingmen  receive  per  day $2  56 

Great  Britain's  workingmen  receive  per  day 1  23 

DIITerence  in  favor  of  American  workingmen $1  33 

Annual  difference  in  favor  of  the  American  Workingman  for 

313  working  days.. $416  29 


2S0 


Wages  Here  and  Abroad. 


Occupation. 


1  Blacksmiths  . , 

2  Boilermakers. 

3  Bricklayers . . . 

4  Carpenters.... 

5  Engineers 

6  Firemen , 

7  Gasmakers..., 

8  Laborers 

9  Machinists . . . , 

10  Masons 

11  Moulders 

12  Watchmen... 


Average  of  averages. 


^ 


$2  63 

2  33 

3  52 
2  33 
2  55 
1  G6 
1  94 

1  38 

2  45 

3  28 
1  70 
1  54 


$2  27X 


$77 


06 


C7 
81 
61 
65 
1  19 
75 
66 
70 


83>^ 


So 


$72 
1  00 
1  20 
66 
68 
59 
53 
51 
71 
68 
71 
52 


70fi 


•^  bo 


^d 


S^« 


1  44 


>.  eS  P 


„■<  f3  d 
gesS 


$1  90 

1  33 

2  32 

1  67 
1  87 
1  07 
1  41 
87 
1  74 


1  0-2 


1  56/, 


*  The  figures  for  this  tahle  are  rates  of  wages  per  day. 
Average  earnings  of  American  worklngmen  on  ohove 

12  occupations,  $2.27i^  per  day,  would  make,  on  313  days    $712  07^^ 
For  worklngmen  in  Great  Britain  for  the  same  time  and 

occupations,  .83^  per  day 261  35i< 

Difference  In  favor  of  the  American  worklngman . .     $450  72 ! 


American  worklngman  earns .a —     $712  07^ 

Worklngman  on  Continent  of  Europe  earns,  for  same 
time  and  occupation 221  96^^ 


Difference  In  favor  of  American  worklngman $490  10/, 

Wages  in  Different  States. 

A  table  showing  that  Rep^ililican  States  pay  better  wages  than 
Democratic  States.  Why  ?  Because  Republican  States  are  In  favor 
of  protection,  are  more  intelligent,  and  therefore  more  prosperous. 
See  the  proof  \tl  figures : 


Occupations. 


Blacksmiths... 
Boiler-makers.. 
Bricklayers.... 

Carpenters 

Engineers..  ... 

Firemen 

Gas-makers.... 

Laborers 

Masons 

Mechanics 

Moulders..,,.. 


"Averages.. 


Wages  In  Re- 

publican States. 

$2  75 

2  50 

3  55 

2  50 

2  60 

1  81 

1  95 

1  45 

^     3  55 

2  60 

1  85 

$2  46 

Wages  in  Demo- 

cratic States. 

$1  67 

1  75 

3  00 

1  75 

1  86 

1  38 

1  50 

mx 

3  00 

1  75 

1  65 

$1  84 

Difference  in 
Favor  of  Repub- 
lican States. 

$1  08 
75 
55 
75 

74 

43 

45 

45.^ 

55 

85 

20 

61 


♦Fractions  not  Included. 

Average  rate  of  wages  In  Republican  States $2  46 

Average  rate  of  wages  In  Democratic  States , 1  84 


Average  rate  of  wages  in  favor  of  Republican  States. 


61 


Annual  difference  in  favor  of  Republican  States $190 


Rates  of  Agricultural  Wages. 

A  talDle  showlncr  the  rates  of  wages  paid  In  Republican  and 
Democratic  States  for  1891-92.  '1  tiese  do  not  include  "  Harvest " 
wages,  wlilcn  are  much  higher. 


Republican 

states. 

Eates 

per 

Month. 

Rates 

per 

Day. 

Democratic 

stfttes. 

Rates 

per 

Month. 

Rates 
Day. 

1  Maine 

$<34  50 

$1  28 

1  N.Jersey.. 

$25  50 

$1  24 

2N.  H 

25  00 

1  28 

2  Delaware.. 

18  75 

80 

3  Vei-mont. . . . 

24  67 

1  23 

8  Maryland.. 

17  50 

85 

4  Mass 

29  -iO 

1  42 

4  Virginia... 

15  50 

72 

5  R.  I 

29  00 

1  42 

5  WestVa... 

19  50 

90 

6  Conn 

k.7  38 

1  38 

6N.C 

13  30 

63 

7  New  York.. 

24  55 

1  22 

7  S.  C 

12  50 

62 

8  Pa 

23  00 

1  10 

8  Georgia.... 

9  Florida.... 

13  50 

72 

9  Ohio 

22  63 

1  10 

18  67 

96 

10  Mich 

24  00 

1  20 

10  Alabama.. 

13  75 

73 

11  Indiana 

22  75 

1  06 

11  Miss 

15  40 

80 

12  Illinois.  ..  . 

24  25 

25  25 

1  14 
1  30 

12  La 

16  25 
18  75 

87 

13  Wisconsin.. 

13  Texas. 

98 

14  Minn 

26  00 
26  20 

1  40 
1  25 

14  Mo 

20  50 
17  30 

93 

15  Iowa 

15  Arkansas.. 

87 

16  Kansas 

24  20 

1  15 

16  Tennessee. 

14  50 

71 

17  Nehrask-a. . . 

25  75 

1  26 

17  Kentucky . 

17  50 

85 

18  No.  Dakota. 

30  00 

1  60 

19  So.  Dakota., 

27  00 

1  45 

20  Montana  . . . 

35  00 

1  65 

21  Wyoming. .. 

34  00 

1  55 

22  Colorado. . . . 

33  00 

1  50 

2:3  Idaho 

35  50 

1  60 

24  Wash'gt'n.. 

37  50 

1  70 

2.5  Oregon 

34  25 

1  55 

26  Nevada 

36  00 

1  60 

27  California.. 

36  50 

1  60 

~$iir 

Averages.. 

Averages.. 

$28  42 

$16  98 

83 

Average  rates  of  wages  paid  for  farm  labor,  Republican 

States,  monthly $28  42 

Average  rates  of  wages  paid  for  farm  labor,  Democratic 

states,  monthly 16  98 

Difference  in  favor  of  Republican  States 11  44 

Annual  difference  In  favor  of  Republican  States $137  28 

Average  rate  of  wages  paid  for  labor  on  farms  per  day  in 

Republican  States $1  37 

Average  rate  of  wages  paid  for  labor  on  farms  per  day  in 

Democratic  States 83 

Difference  In  favor  of  Republican  States,  per  day 54 

Annual  difference  In  favor  of  Republican  States  (313  working 

days) $169  08 


Wages  ill  1889-'90-'91, 


Bakers. 

Blacksmiths. 

Bricklayers 

Cabinet  Makers 

Carpenters 

Common  Laborers. . 

Farm  Laborers 

Macblnlsts. 

Masons..  

Molders,  iron 

Painters 

Plumbei's 

Stonecutters 

Tailors 

Tinsmiths 


Average  (15). 


Bar  Iron 

Boots  and  Shoes 

Cotton  Goods 

Cotton  and  Woolen. . 

Crucible  Steel 

Flint  Glass 

Green  Glass... 

Lumber 

Machlneiy 

Pig  Iron 

Steel  Ingots 

Steel  Blooms 

Window  Glass.  

Woolen  Goods 


Average  (14) $99  93 


June, 


$100  01 


$100  00 
99  07 
99  98 
100  00 
100  00 
100  00 
100  00 
100  00 
100  00 
100  03 
100  00 
100  00 
100  00 
100  00 


June, 
1890. 


$100  30 
100  28 
100  55 

100  22 

101  02 
100  61 
100  20 

100  15 

101  55 

100  55 
99  86 

101  41 
101  34 
100  33 

99  44 

$100  52 


$100  00 
99  23 
100  48 
100  00 
100  00 
100  00 
100  00 
95  00 

100  00 
103  69 

101  58 
100  00 
100  00 
100  00 


June, 


$99  90 

100  63 

101  11 
100  26 
100  94 
100  23 
100  17 
100  71 
100  99 
100  79 

100  20 

102  97 

101  53 
100  81 
100  43 

$100  78 


$100  82 


Sept., 


$100  00 

100  63 

101  02 
100  26 
100  91 
100  22 

99  81 
100  75 
100  99 
100  79 

100  16 

102  97 

101  51 
100  83 
100  43 

$100  75 


$99  68 

99  99 

100  44 

100  00 

100  00 

100  00 

99  74 

95  00 

100  16 

103  90 

97  65 

100  00 

101  17 
107  01 

$100  34 


323 


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Figures  From  Peck's  Report. 


A  Comparative  Table  Showing  the  Increases  and  Decreases  of* 
THE  Average  Yearly  Earnings  of  Employees,  in  and  of  the 
State  op  New  York,  in  the  Year  1891  Over  1890. 

[From  the  Ninth  Annual  Report  of  the  Hon.  Charles  F.  Peck  (Dem- 
ocrat), Commissioner  of  tlie  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics]. 


44 


43 
30 

143 
95 
56 

136 
10 
22 

180 


4 

13 

9 

10 

1 

16 

8 

6 

2 

234 

227 

19 

26 

79 

9 

2 

13 

18 

145 

1 


142 

126 

649 

12 

44 

9 

52 

224 

15 

11 

10 


Industries. 


Agricultural  implements 

Arms  and  ammunition 

Artiflclal  teeth 

Artisans'  tools 

Awnings,  flags,  tents,  sails,  etc 

Boots  and  shoes 

Bricij,  tile  and  sewer  pipe 

Brooms  and  brushes ; 

Building 

Burial  cases,  caslcets,  coffins,  etc 

Carpetlngs 

Carriages,  wagons,  etc 

Cement,  lime,  plaster,  etc 

Chemicals,  acids,  etc 

Cloclcs,  watches,  etc 

Clothing 

Coolilng  and  heating  apparatus 

Cordage,  rope,  twine,  etc 

Corl<;s,  corlc  soles,  etc 

Crayons  and  pencils 

Drugs  and  medicines 

Dye  stuffs  and  chemicals 

Earthen  and  stoneware 

Electrical  apparatus,  appUances,  etc. 

Electric  and  gas  lighting 

Emery  ore 

Fancy  articles 

Fertilizers 

Fire-works,  matches  and  sulphur. . . . 

Flax  and  hemp  goods 

Food  preparations . 

Furniture   

Gas  lighting 

Glass 

Gloves,  mittens,  etc 

Glue,  starch  and  wax 

Hair  work  (animal  and  human) 

Ink,  mucilage,  paste  and  blueing 

Ivory,  bone,  shell,  horn  goods,  etc  — 

Leather  and  leather  goods 

Linen,  etc 

Liquors  and  beverages  (not  spiritu- 
ous)   

Liquors,  malt,  distilled  and  fermented 

Lum  ber 

Machines  and  machinery 

Metals  and  metallic  goods 

Molds,  lasts  and  patterns 

Musical  Instruments  and  materials.. 

Oils  and  illuminating  fluids 

Paints,  colors,  varnislies,  etc 

Paper  and  paper  goods 

Perfumes,  toilet  articles,  etc 

Photogi'aphs  and  photographic  ma- 
terials  

PollsHes,  blacking,  etc 

227 


Average 

Yearly 

Earnings. 


1890. 


$6.54  30 

492  42 
192  00 
456  96 

451  15 
423  24 
286  82 
286  86 
474  28 

452  45 
389  50 
498  31 

467  28 
476  37 

505  81 
355  67 

506  48 
335  97 
334  65 
359  80 
404  16 
559  05 

383  25 

458  54 

588  19 

493  75 
388  52 
322  52 

313  42 

314  01 
327  99 

468  09 
573  89 
481  07 
280  99 
559  20 
362  06 
610  92 

589  99 
443  28 
365  00 

677  16 
738  64 
402  46 
533  95 
504  87 
608  99 
602  33 
504  58 
526  37 

384  30 

459  72 

442  01 
476  05 


1891. 


5646  16 
468  02 
254  45 
479  65 
482  97 
4:38  17 
302  71 
312  70 
465  45 

494  75 
405  42 
504  28 

495  12 
553  85 
514  99 
371  00 
596  90 
3;^  03 
336  42 
341 
463  79 
545  36 
422  82 
412  75 
607  40 
393  75 
442  85 
183  03 
374  1 
299  94 
341  83 
482  11 
665  72 
519  19 
291  47 
556  22 

501  81 
577  25 
536  98 
455  71 
420  00 

710  96 
777  07 
420  40 
594  06 
539  71 
543  32 
632  67 
574  09 
614  62 
434  57 
479  50 

502  05 
556  49 


Increase  or 
Decrease. 


$62  45 
22  69 
31  82 

14  93 

15  89 
25  84 


42  30 
15  92 
5  97 

27  84 

77  48 

9  18 

15  33 

90  42 

2  06 

1  77 


59  63 


39  57 
'19"  21 
54' 33 


60  75 


13  84 

14  02 
91  83 
38  12 
10  48 


139  75 


$8  14 
24  40 


8  83 


18  42 

13  69 
45  79 

100  00 
139  40 

14  07 


2  98 


83  67 
53  01 


65  67 


FIGURES  FROM  PECK'S  B.ETOB.T— {Continued). 


Industrlea 


Printing  and  publishing 

Railway  cars  ana  equipments ....;... 

Rubber  goods 

Salt 

Scientific  instruments  and  appliances 

Ship  and  boat  building 

Sporting  and  athletic  goods 

Stone,  marble,  granite,  etc 

Tallow  candles,  soap  grease,  etc 

Tobacco,  snuff,  cigars,  etc 

Toys 

Trunks  and  valises 

Whips,  canes,  umbrellas,  etc 

Wooden  goods. 


Average 

Yearly 

Earnings. 


Increase  or 
Decrease. 


550  17  28  18 
633  06  105  19 
408  64i  9  96 
448  65 
472  87 


98  93 


521  99 

527  87 

398  68 

349  72 

482  62 

740  16    839  02 

334  34;  241  59 

405  01 i  394  89 

479  12   490  16 

395  16   424  05 

242  62   213  12 

472  91    531  44 

425  31 i  459  86 

413  38,  526  93;il3  55 


11  04 


58  53 
34  55 


9  75 


92  75 
10  12 


29  50 


Note.— The  figures  included  In  the  above  table  seem  to  be,  and 
they  are,  in  strict  harmony  with  the  facts  established  by  Table  No. 
1.  Of  the  sixth-eight  industries  included,  seventy-five  per  cent,  of 
them  show  an  increased  average  yearly  earning  In  the  year  1891, 
while  the  total  average  increase  of  yearly  earnings  of  the  two- 
hundred  and  eighty-five  thousand  employees  was  S23.ll.  The 
average  increase  of  yearly  earnings  of  the  employees  in  the  fifty-one 
trades  showing  an  increase  was  S43.96  in  1891  as  compared  with 
1890. 

In  addition  to  the  investigation  of  this  special  subject,  the  Bureau 
has  continued  its  annual  investigation  of  all  labor  disturbances  oc- 
curring In  the  State  daring  the  past  year.  The  total  number  of 
strikes  reported  for  the  year  1891  was  4,519  as  against  6,258  oc- 
curring in  the  year  1890— a  decrease  of  l,740.  Of  the  total  number— 
4,519—2,375,  or  fifty-three  per  cent,  of  them,  were  in  the  build- 
ing trades,  a  fact  that  seems  to  follow  in  natural  sequence  the  re- 
sults obtained  in  the  special  Investigation  of  the  "Effect  of  the 
Tariff  on  Labor  and  Wages." 


Money  Deposited  in  Sayings  Banks. 

A  tat)le  showing  tlie  tlie  savings  of  labor,  by  contrast,  In  Repul)- 
llcan  and  Democratic  States— 1890-1891 : 


RepiiD- 

Amount 

Average 

Demo- 

Amount 

Average 

llcan 

of 

to  each 

cratic 

of 

to  each 

States. 

Deposits. 

Depositor. 

States. 

Deposits. 

Depositor. 

1  Maine.. 

$47,781,166 

$340  02 

1  N.J.... 

$32,462,603 

$259  55 

2N.  H... 

69,531,024 

418  191 

2  Del.... 

3,602,469 

215  05 

3  Vt 

21,620,303 

297  381 

3  Md 

38,916,597 

288  26 

4  Mass... 

353,592,937 

326  24| 

4  W.  Va.. 

375,440 

37  94 

5  R.I.... 

63,719,491 

483  99: 

5  N.  C... 

264,348 

45  31 

6  Conn . . 

116,406,675 

380  58 1 

6  s.  e.... 

3,286,155 

187  84 

7  N.  Y... 

574,669,972 

388  86 

7  Ga 

477,487 

188  50 

8  Pa 

62,150,893 

263  00 

8  Fla.... 

181,630 

168  49 

9  Ohio... 

31,258.086 

396  24 

9  Ala ... . 

65,816 

37  18 

10  Ills .... 

16,362,304 

267  78 

10  la 

1,420,798 

325  42 

11  Mich... 

29,887,761 

198  82 

11  'i>xas.. 

384,183 

m  16 

12  Wis.... 

94,687 

130  42 

12  Tern  . . 

1,445,834 

129  44 

13  Iowa. . . 

20,821,495 

364  35 

13  Ind  . . . 

3,552,099 

238  65 

14  Minn  . . 

7,688,677 

352  9b 

a  ^.  M.t. 

165,426 

155  76 

15  Neb.... 

3,508,751 

130  45 

15  Utaht . 

1,682,040 

210  41 

16  Cal 

114,164,523 

836  39 

17  Mont.*. 

344,599 

106  59 

Total... 

$88,282,925 

$245  79 

18  Wash.. 

834,815 

121  87 

Total.... 

$1,534,438,157 

$368  23 

•For  1889-90. 
t  Territories. 

Saving  Bank  Deposits— Republican  States $1,534,438,157 

Saving  Bank  Deposits— Democratic  States 88,282,925 

Difference  in  favor  of  Republican  States $1,446,155,232 


239 


Money  Capital  in  Banks  By  States. 

A  table  showing  that  population,  wealth  and  prosperity  are  in  the 
Republican  States,  June,  1891. 


Repub- 
lican 
States. 

Popula- 

Capital in 

Demo- 
cratic 
States. 

Popula- 

Capital in 

tion, 

Banii. 

tion. 

Bink. 

1  Maine 

663.000 

$81,253,068' 

1  N.  J., 

1,484,000 

$119,766,779 

2  N.  H.. 

379,000 

96,225,832; 

2  Del.... 

170,000 

14,886,050 

3  Vt 

333,000 

40,981,914 

3  Md.... 

1,048,000 

101,096,200 

4  Mass. . 

2,299,000 

742,651,224 

4  va.... 

1,670,000 

42,131,055 

5  R.  I... 

352,000 

127,126,;389 

5  W.  Va 

773,000 

14,113,894 

6  conn.. 

764,000 

199,953,331 

6K  C, 

1.6:^,000 

10,602,746 

7  N.  Y.. 

6,110,000 

1,663,604,173 

7  S.  C... 

1,165,000 

14,5.56,233 

8  Pa 

5,382,000 

546,267,053 

8  Ga.... 

1,867,000 

22,682,049 

9  Ohio  . 

3,720,000 

220,297,991 

9Fla.... 

405,000 

.      8,485,786 

10  111 

3,899,000 

271,513,188 

10  Ala... 

1.538,000 

14,900,568 

11  Mich. . 

*  2,139,000 

124,332,290 

11  Miss.. 

1,309,000 

11,754,338 

12  Wis... 

1,728,000 

91,828,490 

12  La... 

1,137,000 

35,138,019 

13  Iowa. . 

1,935,000 

111,981,211 

13  Texas 

2,:3O4,000 

65,070,737 

14  Minn.. 

1,360,000 

102,482,170 

14  Ark... 

1,161,000 

7,607,971 

15  Kan... 

1,448,000 

53,896,.588 

15  Ky.... 

1,870,000 

86,078,682 

16  Neh... 

1,148,000 

6S,  :>i,620 

16  Tenn.. 

1,773,000 

42,603,237 

17  col.... 

440,000 

^0,480,478 

17  Ind.  .. 

2,213,000 

71,753,885 

18  Nev... 

44,000 

1,176,791 

18  Mo.... 

2,734,000 

164,047,645 

19  Cal.... 

1,244,000 

2'i  '  T'^\-2^^, 

-•^..^^^ 

20  Ore,  .. 

333,000 

17,87»,204 

^■"^^^^^ 

21  N.  D.. 

193,000 

8,985,308 

^^^ 

..^^ 

22  S.  D... 

341.000 

11,669,101 

^^~~^^,^ 

23  Idaho. 

93;000 

2.588,258 

^^^^ 

24  Mont . 

145,000 

20,277,490 

^^^-,^^ 

25  Wash. 

375,000 

27,859,317 

^"-^-^^.^^^ 

26  Wyo.. 

66,000 

5,373,750 

^^ 

Total... 

36,933,000 

$4,951,206,464 

TotaL.. 

26,259,000 

$847,275,874 

Population  in  Republican  States 36,933,000 

Population  in  Democratic  States 26,259,000 

Difference  in  favor  of  Republican  States 10,674,000 ! 

Capital  In  bank— Republican  States $4,951,206,464 

Capital  in  bank— Democratic  States 847,275,874 

Difference  in  favor  of  Republican  States. ..  $4,103,930,590 ! 


230 


Protection  Pays— Free  Trade  Does  Not. 

A  table  showing  tliat  tlie  volume  of  business  Is  done  la  the 
Republican  States. 

Drafts  Drawn  On  Keporting-  Banks. 


Republican  States. 

Amount 
Drawn. 

1 

Democratic  States. 

Amount 
Drawn. 

1  Maine 

$176,479,284 

141,525,565 

103,244,799 

1,647,658,703 

326,295,972 

428,790,755 

967,584,963 

1,277,263,733 

833,471,368 

221,086,925 

1,410,M9,266 

369,686,997 

187,850,498 

315,^15,151 

328,865,169 

159,419,341 

381,159,666 

176,871,574 

2,237,907 

124,474,265 

70.335,904 

26:574,478 

33,215,067 

65,765,034 

94,194,996 

11,891,088 

10,735,684 

1  New  Jersey 

2  Delaware 

3  Maryland 

4  Virginia 

5  VVestVa 

i  6  No.  Carolina .... 

j  7  So.  Carolina 

1  8  Georgia 

$540,605,948 
40,761,234 
296,966,976 
118,001,654 
34,414,274 
47,131,898 
42,705,672 
88,208,733 
43,546,212 
65,046,139 
29,079,559 

2N.H 

3  Vermont 

4  Mass 

5  R.  I 

6  Conn 

7  New  York 

8  Pa 

9  OMO 

i  9  Florida 

10  Indiana 

llO  Alabama 

11  Miss 

11  Illinois 

12  Mich 

12  La       

134,919,339 
347,699,375 
635,857,962 
27,905,777 
138,148,783 
152,719,395 

13  Wis 

13  Texas . 

14  Iowa 

14  Mo 

15  Arkansas 

16  Kentucky 

17  Tennessee.. 

Total 

15  Minn 

16  Kansas 

17  Nebraska 

18  Colorado 

19  Nevada. 

20  California 

21  Oregon , 

22  No.  Dakota 

23  So.  Dakota 

24  Montana 

25  Washington..  .. 

26  Wyoming 

27  Idaho 

,  Total 

$9,892,374,152 

$2,783,718,924 

Volume  of  business  in  Republican  States $9,892,374,152 

Volume  of  business  in  Democratic  States 2,783,718,924 


Difference  In  Favor  of  Republican  States. $7,108,655,228 


231 


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233 


Official  Record  of  Circulation— All  Kinds  of 
Money  Outside  the  Treasury. 


Circulation. 

Population. 

Cir.  per 
Capita. 

I860 

$435,407,252 

448,405,767 

334,697,774 

595,394,038 

669,641,478 

714,702,995 

673,488,244 

661,992,069 

680,103,661 

664,452,891 

675,212,794 

715,889,005 

738,309,549 

751,881,809 

776,083,031 

754,101,947 

727,609,388 

722,314,883 

729,132,634 

818,631,793 

973,382,228 

1,114.238,119 

1,174:290,419 

1,230,305,696 

1,243,925,969 

1,292,568,615 

1,252,700,525 

1,317,539,143 

1,372,170,870 

1,380,561,649 

1,429,251,270 

1,500,067,555 

1,603,073,338 

1,599,256,584 

31,443,321 
32,064,000 
32,704,000 
33,365,000 
34,046,000 
34,748,000 
35,469,000 
36,211,000 
36,973,000 
37,756,000 
38,588,371 
39,555,000 
40,596,000 
41,677,000 
42,796,000 
43,951,000 
45,137,000 
46,353,000 
47,598,000 
48,866,000 
50,155,783 
51,316,000 
52,495,000 
53,693,000 
54,911,000 
56,148,000 
57,404,000 
58,680,000 
59,974,000 
61,289,000 
62,622,250 
63,975.000 
65,520,000 
65,756,000 

$13  85 

1861 

13  98 

1862 

10  23 

1863 

17  84 

1864 

19  67 

1865  

1866 

1867 

20  57 
18  99 
18  28 

1868 

18  39 

1869 

1870 

17  60 
17  50 

1871 

18  10 

1872 

18  19 

1873 

18  04 

1874 

18  13 

1875 

17  16 

1876 

16  12 

1877 

15  58 

1878 

15  32 

1879 

1880 

16  75 
19  41 

1881  

21  71 

1882 

22  37 

1883 

22  91 

1884 

22  65 

1885 

23  02 

1886 

1887      

21  82 

22  45 

1888 

22  88 

1889 

22  52 

1890 

1891 

22  82 

23  45 

1892 

24  47 

1892,  Sept.  1 

24  32 

234 


Average  Price  of  Silver  Bullion  in  London,  in 
Pence,  per  Ounce. 


1878. 

1879. 

1880. 

1881. 

1882. 

1883. 

50.25 
50.53 
51.04 
50.56 
50.33 
50.39 
50.31 
50.42 
50.72 
50.94 
50.75 
50.83 

1884. 

53.95 
54.29 
54.29 
53.87 
53.42 
53.79 
52.71 
52.38 
51.58 
50.04 
50.46 
50.00 

49.75 
49.79 
49.83 
49.79 
50.69 
52.04 
51.67 
51.56 
51.60 
52.33 
53.33 
52.54 

52.46 
52.21 
52.12 
52.04 
52.13 
52.37 
52.58 
52.37 
52.38 
52.46 
51.76 
51.87 

51.25 
52.25 
52.25 
52.04 
51.69 
51.34 
51.40 
51.50 
51.69 
5194 
51.94 
51.87 

52.00 
51.81 
.51.98 
52.13 
52.25 
52.12 
51.81 
51.72 
51.97 
.51.81 
51.44 
50.81 

50.87 

February 

Marcli 

51.13 
51.23 

April     

50.72 

May 

50.82 

June 

July 

50.80 
50.76 

August     

50.83 

Septemlber 

50.72 
50.72 

November 

December 

50.00 
49.61 

Average 

52.56 

51.20 

52.25 

51.76 

51.82 

50.59 

50.68 

1885. 

1886. 

1887. 

1888. 

1889. 

189U. 

1891. 

January 

February 

Marcli      

49.80 
49.20 
49.06 
49.26 
49.42 
49.21 
49.26 
49.81 
47.77 
47.45 
47.42 
47.19 

46.73 
46  61 
46.75 
46.37 
45.44 
44.87 
43.44 
42.37 
44.44 
45.06 
40.  .50 
45.69 

46.87 
46.66 
45.30 
43.92 
43.58 
43.97 
44.15 
44.57 
44.63 
44.21 
44.02 
44.38 

44.41 
44.03 
43.32 
42.66 
42.05 
42.10 
42.11 
42.01 
43.21 
43.09 
43.02 
42.51 

42.54 
42.59 
42.52 
42.19 
42.16 
42.03 
42.19 
42.35 
42.48 
43.03 
43.95 
44.00 

44.45 
44.05 
43.90 
45.43 
47.00 
47.56 
49.28 
52.83 
53.04 
49.65 
47.20 
48.15 

47.71 

47.94 
45.60 
44.95 

April 

44.51 

May  

44.47 

44.90 

July 

46.00 
45.42 

September 

October 

45.04 
44.57 

November 

December 

43.68 
43.80 

Average 

48.66 

45.37 

1  44.69 

42.88 

42.67 

45.08 

January,  1892,  42.80 ;  February,  41.50 ;  Marcli,  40.86 ;  April,  39.72 ; 
May,  40.06 ;  June,  40.58 ;  July,  39.60 ;  August,  38.11. 


The  World's  Stock  of  Gold  and  Silver— State- 
ment  by  the  Biiector  of  the  Mint. 


Stock  op 
Gold. 

Stock  of  Silver. 

Full 
Legal  Tender. 

Total  Silver. 

United  states 

United  Kingdom .... 

$686,845,000 

550,000,000 

900,000,800 

500,000,000 

65,000,000 

140,000,000 

15,000,000 

2,000.000 

100,000.000 

40,000,000 

40,000,000 

25,000,000 

32,000,000 

190,000,000 

50,000,000 

100,000,000 

100,000,000 

5.000,000 

$46^,512,000 

$542,078,000 

100,000,000 

700,000,000 

204,000,000 

55,000,000 

60,000,000 

15,000,000 

4,000,000 

125,000,000 

10,000,000 

90,000,000 

65,000,000 

10,000,000 

60,000,000 

45,01)0,000 

7,000,000 

15,000,000 

50,000,000 

500,000 

France  

650,000,000 
102,000,000 
48,400.000 
25,800,000 
11,400,000 
1,800,000 
90,000,000 

Germany 

Belgium  

Italy. 

Switzerland 

Greece 

Spain  

Portugal 

Austria^Himgary .. . . 

Netherlands 

Scandinavian  Union. 
Russia 

90,000,000 
61,800,000 

■22Vobb'6o6' 

Turkey 

Australia 

Effynt 

Mexico 

50,000,000 

500,000 

25,000,000 

50,000,000 

900,000,000 

700,000,000 

100,000,000 

Central  America 

South  America 

Japan 

India 

45,000,1.00 
90,000,000 

25,000,000 
50,000,000 
900,000,000 

China 

700,000,000 

100,000,000 

5,000,000 

2,000,000 

The  Straits 

16,000,000 
20,000,000 

Cuba,  Haytl,  etc.... 

1,200,000 

Total 

$3,711,845,000 

$3,395,412,000 

$3,939,578,000 

QAA 


Gold  Yalue  of  U.  S.  Legal  Tender  Dollar  Each 
Month  and  Each  Year. 


1862. 

186a 

1864. 

1865. 

1866. 

1867. 

1868. 

1869. 

January 

97.6 
96.6 

98.2 
98.5 
96.8 
93.9 
86.6 
87.3 
84.4 
77.8 
76.3 
75.6 

68.9 
6^3 
64.7 
66.0 
67.2 
69.2 
76.6 
79.5 
74.5 
67.7 
67.6 
66.2 

64.3 
61.1 
61.4 
57.9 
56.7 
47.5 
38.7 
39.4 
44.9 
4S.3 
42.8 
44.0 

46.3 

48.7 
57.5 
67.3 
73.7 
71.4 
70.4 
69.7 
69.5 
68.7 
68.0 
68.4 

71.4 
72.3 

76.6 
78.6 
75.9 
67.2 
66  0 
67.2 
68.7 
^7.4 
69.5 
73.2 

74.3 

72.8 
74.1 
73.7 
73.0 
72.7 
71.7 
71.0 
69.7 
69.7 
71.6 
74.2 

72.2 
70.7 
71.7 
72.1 
71.6 
71.4 
70.1 
68.7 
69.6 
72.9 
74.4 
74.0 

73.7 
74.4 
76  2 

February 

Marcli. 

April   

75  2 

May 

June 

71.8 
72  4 

July 

73  5 

August 

74  5 

September 

October       .... 

73.1 
76  8 

November 

December 

79.2 
82,3 

Average 

88.3 

68.9 

49.2 

63.6 

71.0 

72.4 

71.6 

75.2 

1870. 

1871. 

1872. 

1873. 

1874. 

1875. 

1876. 

1877. 

January 

82.4 
83.7 
88.8 
88.4 
87.2 
88.6 
85.6 
84.8 
87.1 
88.7 
89.8 
90.3 

90.3 
89.7 
90.1 
90.4 
89.7 
89.0 
89.0 
89.0 
87.3 
88.3 
89.9 
91.5 

91.7 
90.7 
90.8 
90.0 
88.0 
87.8 
87.5 
87.4 
88.1 
88.3 
88.6 
89.1 

88.7 
87.6 
86.6 
84.9 
85.0 
85.8 
86.4 
86.7 
88.7 
91.8 
92.1 
90.9 

89.7 
89.1 
89.2 
88.2 
89.9 
90  0 
91.0 
91.2 
91.2 
91.0 
90.2 
89.6 

88.9 
87.3 
86.6 
87.1 
86.3 
85.4 
87.2 
88.1 
86.4 
85.8 
86.7 
87.8 

88.6 
88.2 
87.4 
88.3 
88.7 
89.4 
89.5 
90.2 
91.1 
90.1 
91.6 
92.5 

94.1 

February 

Marcb 

95.0 
95.4 

April 

94.1 

May 

93.9 

June 

94.8 

July 

94.7 

August 

95.7 

September 

October 

November 

December. 

96.6 
97.2 
97.2 
97.3 

Average 

87.0 

89.5 

89.0 

87.9 

89.9 

86.9 

89.6 

95.5 

287 


Tables  of  Exports. 

Tliese  tables  are  to  be  read  in  connection  with  the 
articles  entitled  "ProtectioL  md  Exports"  on  page  138. 
They  constitute  a  comprehensiw'e  comparison  of  the  ex- 
port of  articles,  the  growth,  production  and  manufacture 
of  the  United  States,  to  all  foreign  countries  from  1790  to 
1890  inclusive,  a  period  of  101  years.  The  leading  arti- 
cles are  given  by  decades,  stated  as  fully  as  tlie  records  of 
the  Treasury  Department  will  show. 

The  quantities  of  the  articles  exported  will  be  a  more 
accurate  test  of  the  capacity  and  industry  of  our  people 
than  can  be  had  from  their  estimated  money  value ;  the 
same  article  in  different  years  has  varied  more  than  25 
per  cent  in  value. 

Prior  to  1803  no  distinction  was  made  between  domestic 
and  foi'eig7i  exports.  Tlie  value  up  to  that  time  is  given 
of  those  articles  wiiosc  origin  left  no  doubt  of  their  domes- 
tic production. 

The  following  table  shows  the  total  value  of  articles, 
the  growth,  production  or  manufacture  of  the  United 
States,  exported  by  decades,  from  1790  to  1890  =  101 
years,  amount  to  $21,692,739,844. 

Total  Value  of  Domestic  Exports — by  Decades. 

Years. 

1790-1800  (11  years) $325,483,107 

1801-1810 381,779,647 

1811-1 S20 462,701 ,289 

1821-1830 536,104,918 

1831-1840 892,889,909 

1841-1850 1,131,132,001 

1851-1860 2,322,830,181 

1861-1870 2,389,469,808 

1871-1880 5,748,885,881 

1881-1890 •. 7,501,463,102 

TotaljlOl  years $21,692,739,844 

1790-1860(71  yeai-S) $6,052,921,053 

1861-1890  (30  years) .      15,639,818,791 


Note.— From  the  above  it  appears  that  for  the  thirty- 
one  years  ended  1820,  we  exported  f<l,lf)9,9D4.043  ;  for  the 
forty  years  ended  1800,  there  was  exported  $4,882,957,010. 
Tlie  total  exported  for  the  seventy-one  years,  viz.,  1790 
to  1860,  amounted  to  $6,052,921,053;  and  from  1861  to 
1890,  thirty  y-^ars,  there  was  exported  the  sum  of  $15,- 
639,818,791,  an  increase  over  the  last  thirty  years  of 
$10,746,861,781,  and  over  the  previous  seventy-one  years 
$9,576,897,738,  or  over  150  per  cent. 

For  the  eighty-one  jears  eiicTed  1870,  the 
total  value  exported  was  $8,442,390,861, 
and  for  the  twenty  years  ending  1890 
amounted  to  $13,250,348,983,  an  increase 
of  $4,807,958,122  or  ahout  57  per  cent.;  the 
decade  ending  1890  sliows  an  increase  of 
ahout  30  per  cent. 

Agricultural  implements,  consisting  of  farming  mills, 
horse  powers,  mowers  and  reapers,  plows,  cultivators  and 
other  implements  : 


388 


Agricultural  Implements. 

(First  Enumerated  in  1864.) 

Period.  Value. 

1864-1870 $7,095,309 

1871-1880 22,746'048 

1881-1890 29,899,358 

f         Total,  27  years $59,740,695 


Books,  Maps,  Engravings,  Etchings  and  other  Printed  Matter. 

Years.  Value. 

1826-1830 $211,:W3 

1831-1840 390,433 

1841-1850 592,252 

1851-1860. 2,196,149 

1861-1870 3,211,479 

1871-1880. 5,942,625 

1881-1890 13,538,298 

-Total,  65  years $26 ,082,539 

Total,  1826-1860  (35  years) $3,390,137 

Total,  1861-1890  (30  years) 22,692,402 


Note.— The  exportation  from  1861-1890  exceeded  the  previous 
thlrty-nve  years  by  $19,302,265,  or  nearly  600  per  cent.  The  decade 
ending  1890  exceeded  the  decade  ending  1880  by  $7,595,673,  or  about 
128  per  cent. 

Breadstuffs  op  all  Kinds. 

Years.  Value. 

1821-1830 $61,160,492 

1831-1840 72,982,235 

1841-1850 170,288,107 

1851-1860 315,350,517 

1861-1870 640,448,299 

1871-1880 1,464,525,975 

1881-1890 1 ,682,568,928 

Total,  70  years $4,407,324,553 

Total,  1821-1860  (40  years) '. $619,781,351 

Total,  1861-1890  (30years) 3,787,543,202 

For  year  1861 128,121,656 

For  year  1892 299,363,117 


The  above  table  of  breadstuffs  of  all  kinds 
sliows  that  there  was  imported  from  tlie 
United  States,  durinj?  tlie  forty  years  ending^ 
I860,  amounting  to  $619,781,351,  and  for 
the  thirty  years  ending-  with  1890,  the  enor- 
mous sum  of  $3,787,543,202,  or  511  per 
cent.  The  increase  of  tlie  last  decade,  ending- 
1890,  over  the  preceding  decade  is  about  15 
per  cent* 


iNbiAN  Corn. 


Years. 

Bushels. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Bushel. 

1790-1800 

1801-1810 

1811-1820 

1821-1830  

16,546,965 

11,789,969 

11,970,380 

7,045,060 

3,753,919 

47,296,262 

51,503,092 

100,611,081 

536,434.697 

572,569,569 

0 

0 

0 

$3,894,645 

2,677,815 

a3,ft33,522 

37,501,880 

82,055,006 

321,3:i5,l<)4 

303,031,013 

Cents. 

0 

0 

0 

55  2 

1831-1840 

71.3 

1841-1850 

1851-1860 

69.8 
72.8 

1861-1870 

81.6 

1871-1880 

1881-1890 

59.9 
52  9 

1,359,520,994 

Total,  1790-1820  (31  yrs.). .. 
Total,  1821-1860  (40  yrs.). . . 
Total,  1861-1890  (30  yrs.). .. 
Fiscal  year  1891 

40,307,314 

109,598,333 

1,209.615,347 

30,768,213 

75,451,849 

$77,107,862 

706,421,213 

17,652,687 

41,690,460 

70.3 
58.4 

Fiscal  year  1892 

The  above  table  of  corn  shows  we  exported  from  1790 
to  1860  only  149,905,647  bushels  ;  from  1861  to  1890  the 
large  amount  of  1,209,615,347  bushels  ;  the  year  1890  was 
the  largest  year  of  exportation,  amounting  to  101,973,717 
bushels  (the  price  being  the  lowest  during  the  decade), 
about  one-third  less  than  for  the  71  years,  /.  e.,  from  1790 
to  1860. 


Corn  Meal. 


Years. 

Barrels. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Barrel. 

1790  1800       

993,048 
1,544,814 
1,661,313 
3,626,549 
2,412,798 
2,531,752 
3,585,896 
3,007,;357 

$4,581,489 
6,202,292 

12,021,273 
9,064,8:33 

12.669,760 

12,647,546 
8,976,510 

1801-1810 

1811-1820  

1821-18:30 

1831  1840          

$2  97 
3  73 

1841-1850  

1851  1860  

3  31 
3  76 

1861  1870               

5  00 

1871  1880  

3  52 

1881-1890 

2  98 

Total  80  years 

19,363,5:35 

0 

0 

Total  1821-1860  (40  years) .. 
•'     1861-1890  (30  yeai-8).. 

9,245,474 
9,125,005 

$31,869,887 
34,29:3,816 

$3  45 
3  76 

The  above  table  of  corn  meal  exhibits  a  slight  decrease 
in  quantity  for  the  two  periods  ;  that  is,  1811-1860  and 
1861-1890,  and  small  increase  in  value.  The  highest  price 
occurred  during  the  decade  (war  period)  1861-1870,  of  $5 
per  barrrel. 


240 


Wheat  Exported  and  Comp-etition. 

The  countries  from  which  the  compel  ition  we  are  meet- 
ing are  Russia,  India,  Australia  and  the  Argentine  Re- 
public. The  wheat  exported  is  almost  entirely  to  supply 
the  European  markets.  There  is  little  or  no  com- 
petition from  those  countries  of  wheat  flour ;  exports  of 
the  latter  have  more  than  doubled  during  the  last  decade. 


Wheat. 

Period. 

Bushels. 

Value. 

Value  per 
Bushel. 

1790-1800 

1801-1810 

1811-1820 

5,383,743 

3,418.741 

1,026,572 

198,424 

2,456,986 

13,131,506 

55,255,528 

220,115,995 

667,435,801 

833,548,148 

0 

0 

$1,833,249 

181,732 

2,554.432 

15,641,878 

75,028  680 

295,9;38,699 

830,177,921 

832,636,590 

0 

0 

$1  79 

1821-1830 

92 

1831-1840 

1  04 

1841  1850 

1  19 

1851-1860 

1  36 

1861-1870  

1  34 

1871-1880 

1  24 

1881-1890 ■ 

1  00 

Total  101  years 

1,801,971,444 

0 

0 

Total  1811-1860  (50 yrs.).. .. 

"      1861-1890  (30  yrs.).... 

Fiscal  year  1891 

72,069,016 

1,721,199,944 

55,131,948 

157,280,351 

$95,239,941 

1,958,753,010 

51,420,272 

161,399,132 

$1  32 
1  14 

"        "    1892 

From  1790  to  1860,  inclusive,  71  years,  we  exported 
only  80,871,500  bushels ;  while  in  the  year  1881,  the  largest 
year  of  our  exportation,  there  was  exported  150,565,477 
bushels,  exceeding  nearly  one-half  more  in  this  single 
year,  or  69.693,977  bushels. 

The  largest  year  of  exportation  was  in  1881 ;  the  small- 
est in  1827,  being  only  2,062  bushels ;  the  highest  price 
during  decade,  1811-1820  (war  period)  ;  lowest  price  67 
cents  in»1827,  and  the  highest  price  in  1864 — of  $1.95  per 
bushel. 

Wheat   Flour. 


Period. 

Barrels. 

Values. 

Value 
per  BarreL 

1790-1800 

7,757,488 

9,099,100 

10,499,104 

9,103.324 

9,334,896 

18,559.523 

28,927,786 

31,249,274 

39,665,327 

96,035,319 

0 
0 
0 

$49,043,089 
56,579,601 
100,431,897 
180,143,666 
►225,713,645 
*!50,495,114 
487,036,208 

0 

1801-1810   

0 

1811-1820 

1821-1830  

0 

$5  39 
6  06 
5  41 

1831-1840 

1841-1850 

1851-1860           

6  23 

1861-1870 

7  22 

1871-1880  

6  32 

1881-1890 

5  07 

Total  101  years 

260,231,141 

0 

0 

Total  1821-1860  (40  years) 
"     1861-1890(30     "     ) 

Fiscal  year  1891 

"         "    1892 

65,925,529 

167,949,920 

11,344,304 

15,196,769 

$386,198,253 
963,244,962 
54,705,616 
75,362,283 

$5  86 

5  74 

241 


Covering  the  thirty  years  ending  1820,  there  was 
exported  27, 355, 692  barrels  of  flour,  the  vahie  not  stated ; 
from  1821  to  1860,  forty  years,  there  was  exported 
65,925,529  barrels,  valued  at  $386,198,253;  and  for  the 
period  from  1861  to  1890  there  was  exported  the  number 
of  167,949,920  barrels,  valued  at  $963,324,962;  the 
average  value  for  the  two  periods  being  about  the  same, 
^.  e.,  $5.86  and  $5.74  per  barrel. 

Brooms  and  Brushes. 

Years.  Values. 

1826-1830 $27,603 

1831-1840 48,135 

1841-1850 31,138 

1851-1860 210,473 

1861-1870 1,459,297 

1871-1880 1,608,414 

1881-1890 1,710,271 

Total,  65  years $5,095,331 

Total,  1826-1860,  35  years $317,349 

Total,  1861-1890, 30  years .• 4,777,982 


The  first  record  of  the  exportation  of  brooms  and 
brushes  begins  in  1826,  the  above  shows  the  value  ex- 
ported from  1826-1860  (35  years)  to  be  $317,349,  while 
from  1860  to  1890  (30  years)  had  increased  to  $4,777,982. 

Candles  of  All  Kinds. 


Years. 


1801-1810 

1811-1820 

1821-1830 

1831-1840 

1841-1850 

1851-1860 

1861-1870 

1871-1880 

1881-1890 

Total  99  yrs.. . . 

1801-1860  (60  yrs.) 
1861-1890  (30  yrs.) 


Pounds. 


14,053,1:34 
8,491,498 
28,511,043 
30,447,195 
37,347,344 
41,257,116 
43,124,721 
18,688,107 
17,419,353 


239,339,511 


160,107,330 
79,232,181 


Values. 


$7,812,165 
2,675,168 
1,945,630 


$12,432,963 


Value 

per 
Pound. 


cents. 
18.1 
14.3 
11.2 


15.7 


The  above  table  gives  only  the  number  of  pounds  ex- 
ported from  1801  to  1860,  the  values  being  included  with 
other  articles.  The  export  is  diminishing  annually,  owing 
to  the  introduction  of  other  illuminating  materials. 


242 


Carriages,  Carts,  Horse  Cars  and  Parts  of. 

Years.  Values. 

1790-1800 *  $135,301 

1801-1810 159,535 

1811-1820 ■    192,210 

1821-1830 419,360 

1831-1840 631,595 

18  il-1  a50 721 ,442 

ia51-1860 4,188,673 

1861-1870 5,515,263 

1871-1880 6,839,096 

1881-1890 15,034,937 

Total  101  years $33,837,412 

1790-1860(71  years) $8,448,116 

1861-1890  (30  years) 27,389,296 


Tlie  above  shows  a  gratifying  increase  of  our  manu- 
factures ;  the  large  increase  of  the  decade  ending  1890 
compared  with  the  one  preceding  shows  an  increase  of 
over  150  per  cent. 

Cars,  Passenger  and  Freight,  for  Steam  Railroads. 


Years. 

Number. 

Values. 

Value 
per  Car, 

1864,  '5,  '9  and  70 

$1,465,795 
6,618,621 
11,870,485 

1871-1880 

7,371 
17,808 

$807  93 

1881-1890          

666  58 

Total 

$19,954,901 

The  above  speaks  volumes  in  praise  of  our  mechanical 
construction  and  ingenuity. 

Chemicals,  Drugs,  Dyes  and  Medicines. 


Years. 

Values. 

The  Exportation  of  these 
Years    Included    Aslies, 
Pot  and  Pearl. 

1821-1830  

$13,948,238 
9,403,262 
10,890,706 
14,2,56,755 
30,883,608 
34,597,603 
52,225,084 

$11,594,661 
7,128,606 
7,256,754 
5,400,532 
3,959.576 
871,673 

1831-1840 

1841-1850 

1851-1860 

1861-1870 

1871-1880 

1881-1890 

Total,  70  years. .... 

$166,205,256 

Total,1821-1860  (40  yrs.) 
Total,1860-1890(30yrs.) 

$48,498,961 
117,706,295 

The  larger  portion  of  the  exports  for  the  first  four  de- 
cades consisted  mostly  of  pot  and  pearl  ashes  and  ginseng. 
The  average  exportation  is  about  $5,000,000  annually. 


2d» 


Clocks,  and  Parts  of. 

Years.  Values. 

1864-1870 $3,782,284 

1871-1880 9,618,936 

1881-1890 12,074,194 

TotaU27  years) $25,475,414 


The  first  record  of  the  export  of  clocks,  and  parts  of,  be- 
gins in  18G4.  The  last  decade  shows  an  increase  of  near 
25  per  cent,  over  the  previous  one. 

Watches,  and  Parts  of. 

Yeaks.  Values. 

1870 $4,a35 

1871-1880 531,131 

1881-1890 2,221,215 

Total  (21  years) $2,756,681 


The  year  1870  was  the  first  year  that  watches,  and  parts 
of,  form  a  place  in  the  record  of  exports.  We  exported 
in  1870  $4,335  worth,  while  the  year  1890  there  was  ex- 
ported $351,089. 

Coal,  Anthracite. 


Years. 

Tons. 

Values. 

Value 
per  Ton. 

1867-1870 

790,0811 
3,310,131 
6,857,817 

$4,772,452 
15,594,458 
30,059,311 

$6  04 

1871-1880      

4  71 

1881-1890 

4  38 

Total  (24  yeai's) 

10,958,032 

$50,426,221 

$4  60 

Coal,  Bituminous. 


Years. 

Tons. 

Value. 

Value  per  Ton. 

1848-1850 

57,711 
1,089,632 
1,008,632 
285,376 
3,472,927 
6,262,678 

$254,598 
5,016,012 
6,107,820 
1,449,440 
9,467,930 
18,870,454 

$4  4n      Kind 

1851-1860 

4  60y      not 

1861-1866 

6  05)  specified. 

1867  1870        

5  08 

1871-1880  

3  83 

1881-1890      

3  01 

Total  (56  years).... 

11,176,956 

$41,166,254 

$3  68 

The  table  shows  a  large  increase  in  quantity  exported, 
with  a  decided  decrease  in  value  per  ton. 


244 


COPPEE    AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  (INCLUDING  BRASS,    AND    MFS.    OP). 

Years.  Values. 

1801-1810....'. 90,498 

1811-1820 101,856 

1821-1830 477,013 

1831-1840 1,047,839 

1841-1850 795,168 

1851-1860 6,925,356 

1861-1870 11,002,284 

1871-1880 19,963,454 

1881-1890 59,483,455 

Total  90  years 99,836,923 

TOtall801-1860  (60  yrs.) 9,437,730 

"      1861-1890(30    "  .) 90,399,193 


For  the  60  years  ending  with  1860  there  was  exported 
of  copper,  and  manufactures  of,  the  value  of  $9,437,730, 
and  for  the  30  years  ending  1890  there  were  exported 
the  sum  of  $90,399,193;  about  one-half  or  more  consists 
of  copper  ore. 


Cotton,  Eaw. 


Years. 

Pounds.     . 

Values. 

Value  per 
Pound. 

1796-1800  

46,577,229 

414,010,703 

686,708,202 

2,034,843,621 

4,317,380,823 

6,994,793,991 

11,800,787,893 

4,0-14,520,428 

14,210,292,095 

21,321,443,919 

0 

$156,726,299 

256,554,294 

528.806,110 

553,409,821 

1,236,063,866 

1,083,953,310 

1,945,766,387 

2,216,883,294 

cents. 

1801  1810     

1811  1820 

22  8 

1821  1830     

12  6 

1831-1840    

12  2 

1841-1850 

7.9 

1851-1860    

10  5 

1861-1870 

26.8 

1871-1880 

13  7 

1881-1890 

10.4 

Total  95  years 

65,871,308,904 

Total  1811-1860  (50  yrs.).  .. 
Total  1861-1890  (30  yrs.)... . 
1891 

- 

25,834,464,530 
39,576.256.442 
2,898,553,804 
2,932,013,670 

$2,731,560,390 

5,246,602,991 

287,649,930 

256,869,777 

10.6 
13.3 

1892 ,. 

The  exports  of  cotton  from  1796  to  1860,  65  years, 
amounted  to  26,295,053,463  pounds,  and  for  the  thirty 
years  ending  1890  there  was  exported  39,576,256,443 
pounds,  or  about  50  per  cent,  more,  while  the  price  is 
also  above  the  earlier  period 

Cotton,  Manufactures  of. 

Years.  Values. 

1826-1830 $6,402,683 

1831-1840 26,428,630 

1841-1850 40,845,102 

1851-1860 77,001,788 

1861-1870. 46.542,347 

1871-1880 71,005,827 

1881-1890 , 127,491,518 

Total  65  years...  .  , $395,720,895 

1826-1860  (85  years) , $150,681,203 

1861-1890  (80  years) 


The  increase  of  exports  of  the  manufacture  of  cotton 
of  the  last  30  years  over  the  previous  35  years  is  about  63 
per  cent. 

Eakthen,  Stone  and  China  Ware. 

Years.  Values. 

1826-1830 $22,410 

1831-1840 117,305 

1841-1850 751606 

1851-1850 411,159 

186 1  -1 870 473,510 

1871-1880 738,838 

1881-1890 1,878,018 

Total,  65  years $3,716,846 

Total,  1831-1860  (30  years) $626,480 

Total,  1861-1890  (30  years) 3,090,366 


The  exports  of  the  earlier  periods  consisted  principally 
of  the  common  earthen  and  stone  ware,  for  the  first  thirty- 
five  years,  up  to  1860,  only  exported  to  the  value  of 
$626,480,  and  fsora  1861-1890,  the  sum  of  $3,090,366,  or 
about  500  per  cent,  increase.  The  last  decade  exhibits  an 
increase  over  the  former  decade  of  over  150  per  cent. 

Fertilizers. 
Years.  Values. 

1865-1870 $226,434 

1871-1880 6,827,706 

1881-1890 11,092,079 

Total  26  years $18,146,219 


The  above  table  indicates  progress  made  in  manufact- 
uring the  phosphates  and  other  native  crude  fertilizers. 

Fruits. 
Years.  Values. 

1817-1820 $242,301 

1821-1830 ^4,952 

1831-1840 370,317 

1841-1850 616,273 

1751-1860 J,041,079 

1861-1870 ". 4,869,402 

1871-1880 14,83i,726 

1881-1890 , 33,989,792 

Total  74  years $56,308,842 

Total  1821-1860  (40  years) $2,614,922 

"      1861-1890  (;30     "    ) 53,693,920 


The  above  table  of  fruits  for  the  period  up  to  1860 
(the  exports)  consisted  principally  of  green  or  ripe  and 
dried ;  the  tv70  latter  decades  of  canned  and  preserved 
fruits.  The  increase  of  the  last  over  the  previous  decade 
shows  an  increase  of  over  120  per  cent. 


246 


FuEs  AND  Fur  Skins. 

Years.  Values. 

1790-1800 $1,984,078 

1801-1810 5,417,945 

1811-1820 4,031,436 

1821-1830 5,945;236 

1831-1840..... 7,751,968 

1841-1850 7,962,797 

1851-1860 10,135,860 

1861-1870 14,293,236 

1871-1880 37,427,898 

1881-1890 44,888,429 

TotallOl  years $139,8.38,883 

Total  1790-1860  (71  yrs.) 43,229,320 

"     1861-1890(30    "    ) 96,609,563 


From  1790  to  1860  (71  years)  there  were  exported  of 
furs  and  fur  skins  of  the  value  of  $43,229,320,  and  for  the 
thirty  years  ending  1890  the  value  of  the  same  amounted 
to  $96,609,563,  an  increase  of  over  123  per  cent. 

Glass  and  Glasswaee. 

Years.  Values. 

1826-1830 $265,496 

1831-1840 691,966 

1841-1850 757,9:34 

1851-1860 2,12,5,903 

1861-1870 6,976,.549 

1871-1880 6,638,632 

1881-1890 ■...-.....  8,558,672 

Total65years $26,015,152 

Totall826-1860  (35  yrs.) 3,841,299 

"     1861-1890(30    "    ) 22,173,853 


Glass  and  glassware  exported  1826-1860  (35  years) 
amounted  to  $3,841,299,  while  from  1860-1890  they 
amounted  to  $22,173,853.  The  exports  for  decade  1890 
were  $8,558,672,  being  $4,717,373  greater  than  for  the 
thirty-live  years  ending  with  the  year  1860,  or  over  120 
per  cent. 

Gunpowder.* 


Years. 

Pounds. 

Values. 

Value   per 
Pound. 

1790  1800 

82,799 
1.616,319 
3,247,519 
8,751,2.34 
12,775,634 
11,994,805 
23,690,483 
7,430,727 
7,115,757 
13,939,658 

Not  given. 

$1,436,158 
1,603,584 
1,285,024 
3,271,367 
1,321,426 
1,210,243 
2,150,888 

0 

1801-1810 

1811  1820 

0 
0 

1821-1830       

16  4 

1831-1840 

12  6 

1841-1850 

10.7 

1851-1860  

13  8 

1864-1870  

17  7 

1871-1880.. 

17. 

1881-1890 , 

15.4 

Total,  101  years 

90,644,935 

0 

0 

Total,  1790-1860(71  yrs.). 
Total,  1861-1890  (30  yrs.). 

62,158,793 
28,486,142 

0 
^,682,557 

0 
16.4 

247 


lu  llie  above  table  the  exports  of  gunpowder  have  de- 
creased, the  use  of  it  has  been  superseded  by  other 
recently  introduced  explosives,  which  are  separately  pro- 
vided for,  but  not  given  in  this  series  of  tables. 

Hemp  and  Flax,  and  Manufactures  of. 

Years.  Values. 

1821-1830 $339,789 

1831-1840 315,214 

1841-1850 514.771 

1851-1860 2,927,791 

1861-1870 6,107,234 

1871-1880 12,886,355 

1881-1890 15,946,757 

Total,  70  years $39,037,911 

Total,  1821-1860  (40  years) ^,097,565 

Totals  1861-1890  (30  years) $34,940,346 


With  hemp,  flax,  and  manufactures  of,  the  export  trade 
has  grown  steadily ;  an  increase  of  the  thirty  years  ending 
with  1890,  over  the  forty  years  ending  with  1860,  is  about 
700  per  cent.,  or,  in  dollars,  $30,842,781. 

Hops. 


Years. 

Pounds. 

Values. 

Value 
Per  Pound. 

1801-1810 

2,566,054 
773,723 
2,723,817 
5,449,186 
6,723,642 
8,169,'  09 
61,583,114 
63,743,599 
84,097,494 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

$1,854,619 

11,849,493 

11,428,606 

20,654,112 

1811-1820 

1821  1830 

1831  1840  

1841  1850                    .     .   . 

Cents 

1851-1860 

22.7 

1861-1870 

1871-1880 .. 

19.2 
17.9 

1881-1890      ....            

24.6 

Total,  90  years 

235,829,638 

0 

0 

Total,  1801-1860  (60  years) 
Total,  1861-1890  (30 years) 

26,405,431 
209,424,207 

0 
$43,932,211 

0 
21. 

The  exportation  of  hops  from  1801  to  1860  (60  years) 
amounted  to  26,405,481  pounds ;  the  value  of  the  same 
cannot  be  stated ;  and  from  1861  to  1890  (30  yearsy  the 
exports  ran  up  to  209,424,207  pounds,  valued  (at  21  cents 
per 'pound)  $43,932,211. 

India-rubber  and  Gutta-percha,  Manufactures  of. 

Years.  Values. 

1855-1860 $3,899,204 

1801-1870 2,064,287 

1871-1880 2,369,388 

1881-1890 7,089,278 

Total,  46  years $15,422,157 


Of  India-rubber  and  gutta-percha  and  manufactures  of, 
the  figures  show  large  increased  exportation  by  the  last 
decade — over  200  per  cent,  increase. 


248 


Iron  and  Steel  and  Manufactures  of. 

Years.  Values. 

1821-1830 $2,057,361 

1831-1840 4,971,265 

1841-1850 11,119,714 

1851-1860 40,679,152 

1861-1870 84,633,313 

1871-1880 155,067,526 

1881-1890 : 194,850,927 

Total,  70 years..... $493,379,258 

1821-1860  (40  yrs.) $58,827,492 

1861-1890  (30  yrs.) 434,551,766 


For  the  40  years  ending  with  1860  there  were  exported 
of  the  manufactures  of  iron  and  steel  the  value  of  $58,- 
827,492  ;  and  for  the  30  years  ending  with  1890  the  value  of 
$434,551,766,  or  over  $375,724,274  more  than  the  40  years 
ending  in  1860. 

Lead  and  Manufactures  of. 

Years.  Values. 

1826-1830 $22,905 

1831-1840 54,375 

1841-1850 136,467 

1851-1860 487,793 

1861-1870 533,808 

1871-1880 1,670,892 

1881-1890 1,289,148 

Total,  65  years, $4,195,388 

1826-1860  (35  yrs.) $701,540 

1861-1890  (30  yrs.) 3,495,388 


Lead,  with  other  products  and  manufacture,  shows  its 
capacity  to  maintain  its  places,  the  decHne  in  price  during 
the  last  decade  may  account  for  the  decreased  value  in 
exportation. 

Leather  and  Manufactuers  of. 

Years.  Values. 

1821-1830 $5,509,171 

1831-1840 2,667,509 

1841-1850 2,620,076 

1851-1860 10,856,800 

1861-1870 14,956,327 

1871-1880 63,788,803 

1881-1890 94,954,009 

Total  70  years $195,347,695 

Totall82l-1860  (40 years) '      $21,635,556 

Total  1861-1890  (30  yeara) 173,694,139 


Leather  and  manufactures  of,  exported  during  the 
forty  years  ending  with  1860,  amounted  to  $21,635,556, 
and  for  the  thirty  years  ending  with  1890,  amounted  to 
$173,694,139,  being  in  excess  of  the  forty  years  of 
$152,058,538. 


249 


Marble  and  Stone  and  Manufactures  of. 

Years.  Values. 

1826-1830 $27,232 

1831-1&40 86,618 

1841-ia')0 200,485 

1851-1860 , 1,104,012 

1861-1870 1,869,735 

1871-1880 4,906,745 

1881-1890 6,431,068 

Total  65  years $14,625,895 

Totall826-1860  (35 years) $141831^ 

Totall861-1890  (30 years) 13,207'548 


Of  marble,  atone  and  manufactures  of,  there  was 
exported  for  the  thirty-five  years  ending  with  1860,  the 
vahie  of  $1,418,347,  and  for  the  thirty  years  ending  with 
1890,  value  exported  amounted  to  $13,207,548,  being 
$11,789,201  more  than  for  the  previous  thirty-five  years, 
or  over  831  per  cent. 

Instruments  and  Apparatus  for  Scientific  Purposes,  Including 
Telegraph,  Telephone  and  Other  Electric. 

Years.  Values. 

1864-1870 ^90,178 

1871-1880 491,196 

1881-1890 ; 6,761,544 

Total  27  years $7,342,918 


The  above  indicates  that  the  manufacturers  of  mathe- 
matical, scientific,  philosophical,  electrical  and  other 
instruments  are  demonstrating  their  ability  to  compete 
with  the  old  manufacturers  in  Europe — an  enormous 
increase  during  the  last  decade. 


Musical  Instruments, 

Years.  Values. 

1826-1830 $49,141 

1831-1840 76,401 

1841-1850. . . ; 200,642 

1851-1860 1,054,543 

1861-1870 1,883,775 

1871-1880 6,427,050 

1881-1890 10,181,531 

Total,  65  years $19,873,083 

Total,  1826-1860  (35  years)  $1,380,727 

Total,  1861-1890  (30  years) 18,492,356 


From  1836-1860,  thirty-five  years,  there  was  exported* 
of  musical  instruments  the  value  of  $1,380,727,  and  from 
1861  to  1890,  thirty  years,  there  was  exported  $18,492,356, 
an  increase  of  $17,111,629,  and  for  the  decade  ending 
with  1890  the  value  was  $10,181,539,  aa  increase  of  nearly 
66  per  cent. 


250 


Naval  Stores— Tar,  Pitch,  Resin  and  Turpentine. 


Years. 


1790-1800 

1801-1810 

1811-1820 

1821-1830 

1831-1840 • 

1841-1850 

1851-1860 

1861-1870 

1871-1880 

1881-1895 

Total,  101  yeare 

Total,  1790-1860  (71  years) 
Total,  1861-1890  (30  years) 


Barrels. 


1,265,281 
1,;376,741 
1,407,566 
1,884,451 
2,409,384 
3,828,207 
6,687,531 
3,111,260 
9,384,345 
13,803,577 


45,158,343 


Values. 


Not  given. 

Not  given. 

$4,:-}41,281 

4,082,416 

6,181,164 

8,121,974 

16,929,970 

12,251,195 

27,177,630 

86,460,360 


18,859,161 
26,299,182 


0 
$65,889,185 


The  quantity  of  naval  stores  above  enumerated  only 
given  for  the  whole  period.  From  1790  to  1860  there  was 
exported  18,859,161  barrels,  and  from  1861  to  1899,  thirty 
years,  26,299,182  barrels,  an  increase  of  the  previous 
seventy-one  years  of  7,440,021  barrels. 

Oil  Cake  and  Oil  Cake  Meal. 


Years, 

Pounds. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Pound. 

1855-1860 

0 
0 

2,764,515,170 
5,426,894,137 

$7,307,309 
22,951,156 

47,317,341 
68,470,765 

cents. 

1861-1870  

1871-1880 

Cents. 

1  7 

1881-1890 

1.3 

Total  36  years 

0  . 

$146,046,571 

0 

Oils,  Mineral— Mineral  Oils,  Crude  (Including  All  Natural 
Oils  Without  Regard  to  Gravity.) 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Gallon. 

1862-1870 

1871-1880 

85,520,084 
202,801,557 
692,512,780 

$26,981,212 
23,573,357 
49,646,057 

cents. 

31.5 
11  6 

1881-1890 

7.2 

Total,  29  years 

980,834,421 

$100,200,626 

10.2 

The  exportation  of  crude  mineral  oil  has  largely  in- 
creased in  quantity  exported,  and  the  price  has  fallen 
from  31|  to  7.2  cents  in  1890. 


351 


(Oils,  Mineral  Continued)— Oil,  Mineral,  Refined  or  Manufact- 
ured, Naphthas  (Including  All  Lighter  Products  op  Dis- 
tillation). 


Years. 


1864-1870. 
1871-1880. 
1881-1890. 


11,430.163 
126,344,662 
153,595,053 


Total  27  years 291,369,87'8 


Gallons. 


Values. 


$1,829,541 
12,468,772 
12,801,205 


$27,099,518 


Value 
per  Gall. 


Cents. 
16.0 
9.9 
8.3 


The  exportation  of  naphthas  in  value  has  slightly  in- 
creased during  the  last  decade,  yet  the  value  has  decreased 
nearly  20  per  cent,  per  gallon. 

Oils,  Mineral  (Continued).    Oil,  Mineral,  Refined,  &c.  (Con- 
tinued).   Illuminating. 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Gall. 

1864  1870    

372,673,059 
2,277,406,704 
4,546,533,072 

$134,894,080 
359,945,778 
386,184,008 

Cents. 
36.2 

1871  1880 

15.8 

1881-1890 

8.5 

Total,  27  years 

7,196,612,835 

$881,023,866 

12.2 

IlluminatiDg  oil,  the  total  value  of  exportation  for  the 
last  decade  over  the  previous  is  only  a  little  over  26 
million  dollars,  yet  the  quantity  for  the  same  period  ex- 
ceeds by  2,269,126,368;  the  price  per  gallon,  1871-1880, 
was  15.8  cents ;  while,  in  1880-1890,  was  only  8^  cents  per 
gallon. 

Oil,  Mineral,  Reigned,  &c.  (Continued).  Lubricating  and  Heavy 
Paraffine  Oil. 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Gallon. 

1869-1870  

141,403 
16,287,175 
152,716,209 

$53,7a3 
4,365,178 
28,369,229 

Cents. 
38. 

1871-1880        

26.8 

1881-1890 

18.6 

Total  22  years 

169,144,787 

$32,788,140 

19.4 

Note  to  preceding  table  will  apply  to  this. 


352 


Oil,  Mineral,  Refined,  &c.  (Continued).  Residuum  (Including 
Tab  and  all  Other  from  Which  the  Light  Have  Been 
Distilled). 


Years. 


1871-1880 

1881-1890 

Total  20  years 


Barrels. 


874,234 


1,436,663 


Values. 


$1,779,326 
2,206,024 


$3,985,350 


Value 
per  BW. 


$3  17 
2  52 


$2  77 


Large  increase  of  fexportation  in  quantity,  with  a  corre- 
sponding decrease  in  value,  viz.,  from  $3.17  to  $2.52  per 
barrel. 

Oils,  Animal— Lard. 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values. 

Value 
per  GalL 

1855-1860               

592,120 
2,755,652 
6,986,702 
8,305,494 

$504,210 
2,547,985 
4,507,403 
5,140,567 

Cents. 
85.2 

1861  1870 

92.5 

1871-1880 

64.5 

1881-1890. . . . ■ 

61.9 

Total  36  years 

18,639,968 

$12,700,165 

68  1 

Exportations  of  lard  oil  show  large  increase  since  1870, 
and  about  12  per  cent,  increase  in  quantity  during  the  last 
decade  with  a  decrease  in  price.  The  highest  price  ob- 
tained during  war  decade,  1861-1870. 

Oils,  Animal— Sperm. 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Gallon. 

1790-1800 

1,163,199 

448,029 

315,273 

697,839 

1,321,131 

5,651,262 

9,421,469 

7,806,319 

6,556.827 

2,417.634 

0 

0 

0 

442,129 

.   1,161,831 

5,213,722 

12,791.046 

13,651,804 

8,697,151 

2,211,626 

Cents. 
0 

1801-1810 

0 

1811-1820 

0 

1821-1830 

63.3 

1831-1840  

87  9 

1841-1850     

92  3 

1851-1860 

136 

1861-1870- 

175 

1871-1H80 

1881-1890 

133. 
91  5 

Total,  101  years 

35,798,982 

0 

0 

Total,  1790-1820  (31  yrs.) 

"       1821-1860(40    "   ) 

"       1861-1890(30    "  ) 

1,926,501 
17,091,701 
16,780,780 

0 

$19,608,728 
S4,560,58l 

0 
114.7 
146.4 

Owing  to  the  decline  of  the  fisheries  and  the  introduc- 
tion of  cheaper  illuminating  materials,  th«  exportation 
has  diminished. 


253 


Oils,  Animal— Whale  and  Pish. 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values. 

Value 
per  Gall. 

1790-1800 

1801-1810 

1811-1820 

6,735,160 
5,341,692 
4,114,923 
10,529,134 
30,188,942 
30,797,885 
8,481,018 
8,441,411 
10,049,720 
9,596,736 

0 
0 
0 

$3,016,445 
9,801,337 

10,572,758 
5,145,369 
5,943,709 
4,249,490 
2,874,624 

Cents. 
0 
0 
28.6 
32.3 
34.3 
60.7 
70.4 
42  3 

1821-1830 

1831-1840 

1841-1850 .. 

1851-1860 

1861-1870  

1871-1880  

1881-1890.. 

300 

TotallOl  years 

124,276,621 

0 

0 

Total  1790-1820  (31  yrs ) 

16,191,775 
79,996,979 

28,087,867 

$28,535,909 
13,067,823 

Total  1821-1860  (40  yrs.) 

Total  1861-1890  (30  yrs.) 

35.6 
46  5 

To  the  failure  in  the  fisheries  and  introduction  of  cheaper 
illuminating  material  may  be  attributed  the  decline  in  ex- 
portation.   . 

Oils,  Animal— Other  Animal. 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values, 

Value  per 
Gallon. 

1867-1870...;  :... 

104,240 

305,093 

3,313,224 

III 

Cents. 
40 

1871-1880 

88 

1881-1890 

55.7 

Total  25  years. 

3,722,557 

$2,154,651 

57  4 

Oils,  Vegetable— Cotton-seed. 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Gallon. 

1869-1870 

Est.  130,000 
22,067,500 

45,384,428 

$65,390 
10,354,596 
18,408,162 

Cents. 

50.3 

1871-1880  

47 

1881-1890 

40.5 

Total,  22  years 

67,581,928 

$28,828,148 

42.7 

The  last  decade  shows  over  100  per  cent  increase  of 
quantity,  while  there  is  a  decline  in  price  of  about  14 
per  cent. 


254 


Oils— Vegetable  Linseed  Oil. 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Gallon. 

1801-1810 

136,372 
124.599 
108,663 
53,665 
80,075 
411,634 

365,923 
766,190 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

$393,338 

310,480 

453,778 

1811-1820     

1821  1830     ... 

1831-1840    

1841-1850 

1851-1860      

1861-1870 

1871-1880 

84  8 

1881-1890 

59.2 

'  The  last  decade  shows  an  increase  over  the  former  of 
100  per  cent.,  with  a  decided  in  vahie,  per  gallon,  of  about 
43  per  cent. 

Paints,  Painters'  Colors  and  Varnish. 

Years.  Values. 

182&-1830 $112,287 

1831-1840 244,332 

1841-1850 470,945 

1851-1860 1,543,645 

1861-1870 2,324,215 

1871-1880 '  2,523.851 

1881-1890 ; 6,350,190 

Total65  years $13,569,465 

Total  1826-1860  (35  yrs.) ' $2,371,209 

"      1861-1890(30    ") 11,198,256 


The  exportation  of  paints,  colors  and  varnish  for  the 
thirty-five  years  ending  with  1860  show  the  value  to  be 
$2,371,209 ;  and  for  the  thirty  vears  ending  1890  the  value 
amounted  to  $11,198,256,  an  increase  of  about  400  per 
cent.  The  last  decade  shows  nearly  as  much  ($6,350,190) 
as  the  previous  fifty-five  years. 

Paper,  and  Manufactures  op,  Except  Books. 
Years.  Values. 

1826-1830 $175,947 

1831-1840 641,556 

1841-1850 872,192 

1851-1860 2',018,317 

1861-1870 5,303,794 

1871-1880 8,296,330 

1881-1890 12,279,046 

Total  65  years $29,587,182 

Totay826-1860  (35  yrs.) $3,708,012 

"     1861-1890,(30    "    ) 25,879,170 


For  the  thirty-five  years  ending  with  1860  there  was 
255 


exported  of  paper,  and  manufactures  of,  except  books, 
the  value  of  J$3,708,012,  and  for  the  thirty  years  ending 
with  1890  we  exported  $25,879^170,  or,  say,  700  per  cent, 
increase. 

Provisions— Bacon  and  Hams. 


Years. 

Pounds. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Pound. 

1790-1800 

11,453,582 

13,3:35,798 

6,6:36,969 

17,692,566 

'14,7:35,852 

165,896,246 

270,706,916 

761,752,783 
4,183,35:3,042 
4,568,723,378 

bog 

$85,300,269 
369,262,925 
401,600,845 

0 

1801-1810 

0 

1811-1820 

0 

1821-1830 

0 

1831-1840  

0 

1841-1850      

0 

1851-1860 

1861-1870 

0 

cents. 

11  2 

1871-1880 

8  8 

1881-1890 

8.8 

Total,  101  years 

10,014,287,132 

0 

0 

Total,  1790-1860  (71  yrs.)... 

"       1861-1890  (30  yrs.)... 
Fiscal  year  1891 

"         "     1892 

500,457,929 

9,513,8;»,203 

599,0a5,665 

584,776,389 

0 
856,164,039 

0 
9.0 

The  exports  from  1790  to  1860,  a  period  of  71  years, 
amounted  to  500,457,929  pounds  ;  for  the  30  years  ending 
with  1890  the  enormous  amount  of  9,513,829,203  pounds, 
nearly  20  times  as  much  as  for  the  71  years.  There  was 
exported  in  1890,  608,490,956  pounds,  being  more  in  this 
one  year  than  in  the  71  years  ending  with  1860. 

The  restriction  placed  by  foreign  powers  upon  pork 
and  its  products  being  removed,  exportation  will  naturally 
increase. 

Provisions  (Continued).     Beef. 


Years. 

Barrels, 

Tierces. 

Pounds. 

Values. 

1790-1800    

&53,612 
763  196 
392,828 
708,167 
402,471 
914,456 
839,042 
415,768 

0 

298,376 

205,821 

0 

0 

0 

109,94«,863 

383,188,012 

1,816,047,064 

S^^ 

1801  1810     

>'i 

1811-1820 

1821-1830  

1831-1840  

gt 

1841-1850  

1851-1860 

1861-1870 

1871-1880 

$23,770,466 
29,626,520 
174,627,924 

1881-1890  

TotallOl  years 

5,289,540 

504,197 

2,309,181,939 

0 

Totall790-1860(71yrs. 
"     1861-1890(80    "  ) 

0 

0 

0 

2,309,181,939 

0 

$228,024,910 

The  records  of  the  exports  of  beef  are  such  that  com- 
parison cannot  well  be  stated  ;  the  two  last  decades  will 
show  the  magnitude  and  growth  of  the  trade. 

356 


Provisions  (Continued).   Butter. 


Years. 

Pounds. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Pound. 

1801-1810 

19,558,054 

9,318,450 

11,596,858 

9.086,536 

33,773.410 

36,338,779 

133,985,053 

1.52,452,885 

188,207,890 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

$30,798,104 

27,482.030 

32,388,9.3 

Cents.'' 

1811-1820 

1821-1830 

1831-1840 

1841-1850 

1851-1860 

1861-1870. 

1871-1880 

23. 

18. 

1881-1890 

17.2 

Total,  91  years 

594,317,915 

0 

0 

Total,  1801-1860  (60  yrs.). . . 

Total,  1861-1890  (30  yrs.) 

Fiscal  year  1891       

119,672,087 

474,645,728 

15,187,114 

15,047,246 

0 
$90,669,127 

0 
19.1 

Fiscal  year  1892 

From  1801  to  1860,  period  of  60  years,  there  v/as  ex- 
ported of  butter  119,672,087  pounds,  and  for  the  30  years 
ending  1890,  474,672,828  pounds,  an  increase  of  over  297 
per  cent. 

Provisions  (Continued)— Cheese. 


Years. 


1790-1800 

1801-1810 

1811-18<!0 

1821-1830 

1831-1840 

1841-1850 

1851-1860 

1861-1870 

1871-1880 

1881-1890 

Total,  101  years. 


Pounds. 


Value. 


9,795,188 

9,.551,323 

6,167,769 

7,914,198 

8,247,795 

90,610,348 

78,533,833 

446,482,816 

999,924,40:) 

1,041,585,996 


,813.675 


0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

$63,850,667 

116,388,443 

104,155,660 


Value  per 
Pound. 


Total,  1790-1860 

(71  years) . 

Total,  1861-1890 

(30  years). 

Fiscal  year  1891... 

"         "     1892... 


210,820,454 

2,487,993,221 
82,133,876 
82,100,221 


$284,394,776 


Cents. 
14.3 
11.6 
10. 


Value  of 

Cheese 

and  Butter 


0 

11.4 


During  the  71  years  ending  with  1860.  there  was  ex- 
ported 210,820,454  pounds,  and  for  the  30  years  ending 
with  1890,  we  sent  2,487,993,221  pounds,  or  over  1080 
percent.,  at  an  average  price  of  11.4 cents  per  pound. 


257 


Pbovisions  (Continued  )— Fish. 

VALUES. 


Years. 

Fresh. 

Dried  or 
Smoked. 

Pickled. 

Other, 
Cured. 

1811-1820 

1821-1830 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

$794,075 

783,708 

503,606 

$7,216,026 
7,326,643 
6,713,389 
5,808,067 
4,831,683 
7,251,428 
7,018,876 
9,240,152 

$2,611,157 
2,486,840 
2,253,099 
1,493,733 
1,536,679 
3,398,982 
3,025,693 
2,422,5:34 

0 
0 

1831-1840  

0 

1841-1850 

0 

1851-1860 

0 

1861-1870 

$621,603 
17,790,548 
36,408,807 

1871-1880        

1881  1890                 . .   . 

Total,  80  years.... 

$2,081,389 

$55,406,264 

$19,228,717 

$54,820,958 

1810-1860  (50  years)... 
1861-1890  (30  years)... 

0 

$2,081,389 

$31,895,808 
23,510,456 

$10,381,508 
8,847,209 

0 

$54,830,958 

Total  exported  of  all  kinds  from  1811-1860  (50  years) $42,277,316 

Total  exported  of  all  kinds  from  1861-1890  (30  years) 89,260,012 

This  table  shows  we  exported  twice  as  much  in  the 
thirty  years  ending  with  1890  as  we  did  in  the  fifty  years 
ending  with  1860.  Our  canned  goods  (fish)  added  greatly 
to  our  exports  during  the  last  decade. 


Provisions  (Continued)— Lard. 


Years. 

Pounds. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Pound. 

1790  1800 

10,045,065 

16,941,301 

14,380,735 

59,145,881 

77,297,539 

802,493,787 

328,379,019 

681,459,734 

2,330,171,326 

3,103,868,128 

0 

0 
u 

0 

0 

0 

0 

$86,295,357 

222,986,318 

265,323,202 

1801  1810  

1811  1820  

1821  1830      ..........          .  . 

1831-1840 

1841  1850      

1851  1860 

1861-1870 

1871  1880 

12.6 

9  6 

1881  1890        

8  5 

Total  101  years 

6,924,182,515 

0 

0 

Total,  1790-1860  (71  yrs.) 

"       1861-1890(30    ''  ) 

Fiscal  year  1891 

808,683,327 

6,115,499,188 

498,343,927 

460,045,776 

0 

$574,604,877 

0 
9.4 

"         "     1892  

Notwithstanding  the  restrictions  placed  upon  our  pork 
products  by  foreign  governments,  our  exportations  are 
increasing  annually.  The  increase  of  the  30  years  ending 
with  1890,  over  the  period  from  1790  to  1860-71,  is  over 
600  per  cent.,  or  5,306,815,861  pounds. 

The  increase  of  last  decade  over  the  previous  one 
amounted  to  773,696,802  pounds. 


258 


Provisions  Continued— Pork. 


Years. 

Barrels. 

Tierces. 

Pounds. 

Values. 

1790-1800 

520,260 

585,927 

377,077 

670,293 

576,547 

1,774,068 

1,857,344 

1,309,306 

0* 

0 

0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
0 

and  24,196 

0 

0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
0 

and  135,201,461 

663,310,162 

759,377,187 

^ 

1801-1810 

i# 

1811-1820 

1821-1830 

>^ 

1831-1840 

■So? 

1841-1850 

^OJ 

1851-1860 

1861-1870 

$41,933,475 
52,603,783 
56,274,304 

1871-1880 

1881-1890 

Total,  101  years 

7,670,822 

29,973 

andl,557.889,810 

0 

Total,  1790-1860  (71 
yrs.) 

6,361,516 
1,309,306 

24,196 
5,777 

0 

andl,557,889.810 

0 

Total,  1861-1890  (30 
yi-s.) 

$150,811,562 

The  figures  show  a  gratifying  increase  during  the  last 
decade  however.  The  restrictions  by  foreign  powers  upon 
pork  having  been  removed,  we  may  expect  larger  demand 
for  it  from  abroad. 

(The  barrels  and  tierces  might  be  reduced  to  pounds  at 
200  and  300  pounds  each  respectively.) 

Potatoes. 


Years. 

Bushels. 

Values. 

Value 
per  Busliel. 

1790-1800 ?... 

420,752 
689,571 
744,557 
1,024,264 
1,067,798 
1,620,431 
2,373,826 
4,815,927 
6,096,828 
4,632,315 

[Not  given.] 

$380,363 
481,604 
842,956 
1,805,352 
4,618,070 
4,980,639 
3,529,987 

cents. 
0 

1801  1810 

0 

1811-1820     

0 

1821-1830 

37.1 

1831-1840  

45  1 

1841-1850 

52. 

1851-1860 

76  1 

1861-1870 

1871-1880 

95.9 
81.7 

1881-1890 

76  2 

Total  101  years 

23,486,269 

0 

0 

Total  1790-1860  (71  yrs.) 
"       1861-1890(30    "    ). 


7,941,199 
15,545,070 


0 

84.5 


The  seventy-one  years  ending  with  1860  show  about 
half  as  many  bushels  exported  as  there  was  in  the  twenty 
years  ending  with  1890.  The  price  was  about  the  same 
in  the  decades  ending  1860  and  1890,  viz. ,  76  cents  per 
bushel. 


Soap. 


Years. 

Pounds. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Pound. 

1801 -1810  

18,764,104 
20,099,896 
60,646,659 
39,836,907 

38,297,710 
58,864,801 

73,794,777 
103,573,503 
169,099,798 

0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
0 

$6,607,428 
6,402,825 
7,934,140 

0 

1811-1820 

0 

1821-18;^ 

1831-1840     

0 
0 

1841-1850 

0 

1851-1860 

1861-1870  

0 

cents. 

g 

1871  1880                   

6  2 

1881  1890 

4.7 

Total  90  years 

582,978,155 

0 

0 

Totall  801-1 860. 

"      1861-1890 

236,510,077 
346,468,078 

0 

$20,944-393 

0 
6.1 

1 

For  the  60  years  ending  with  1860,  exported,  236,510,077 
pounds,  and  for  the  30  years  ending  with  1890,  exported, 
346.468,078  pounds,  or  over  40  per  cent.  more.  The  price 
or  last  decade  is  only  4.7  cents  per  pound. 


Spirits  of  Turpentine. 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Gallon. 

1801  1810     

130,703 

192,974 

546,354  • 

1,174,466 

3,373.974 

17.943,743 

14,491,169 

58,723,630 

94,831,502 

0 
0 
0 
0 

0 
$8,715,630 
7,309,792 
21,339,831 
35,404,947 

Cents. 

1811  1820  

1821  1830      

1831-1840 

1841  1850 

1851-1860 

1861-1870 

1871  1880      

48.6 
50.4 
36.3 

1881  1890                   

37  2 

Total  90  years 

191,408,515 

0 

0 

Total,  1801-1860  (60  yrs.) 

Total,  1861-1890  (30  yrs.) 

23,362,214 
168,046,301 

0 
$64,054,570 

0 
38.1 

The  exportation  of  spirits  of  turpentine  from  1801  to 
1860  amounted  to  23,362,214  gallons,  and  from  1861  to 
1891  amounted  to  168,046,301  gallons,  an  increase  of 
144,684,087  gallons. 


Spirits   Distilled  from  Grain,  Molasses  and  Other  Material. 


Years. 

Gallons. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Gall. 

1790-1800  

6,570,808 

6,499,741 

3,441,255 

6,269,905 

5,204,431 

10,981,297 

31,330,915 

36,440,927 

31,878,189 

61,748,312 

0 

0 

0 

.     0 

0 

'$3,231,723 

13,332,773 

17,089,237 

11,594,867 

25,292,977 

cents. 
0 

1801-1810 

0 

1811-1820  , 

0 

1821-1830   

0 

1831-1840 

0 

1841-1850  

29.5 

1851  1860                             

42.6 

1861-1870  

46.9 

1871-1880 

1881-1890 

36.4 
41.0 

Total,  101  years 

202,365,780 

0 

0 

1790-1820  (31  yrs.) 

1821-1860  (40  yrs  ) 

1861-1890  (30  yrs.) 

16,511,804 

.53,786,548 
130,067,428 

0 
0 

53,977,081 

0 
0 

41.5 

The  total  number  of  Gjallons  exported  for  31  years  ended 
1820  were  16,511,804  ;^from  1821  to  1860,40  years,  was 
53,786,548  gallon--,  and  for  the  30  years  ending  with  1800 
was  130,067,428  gallons,  an  increase  of  141  per  cent. 

The  exports  for  decade  ending  1890  exceeded  the  former 
decade  by  over  93  per  cent. 

Sugar  Refined. 


Years. 

Poundo. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Pound. 

1801-1810 

2,071,905 

426,062- 

3,23r',168 

27,722,090 

34.923,030 

38,170,285 

32,974,281 

289,870,127 

822,206,850 

0 

0 

414,268 

2,979,062 

3,166,167 

3,251,232 

4,200,092 

29,360,829 

54,879,045 

Cents. 
0 

1811-1820 

0 

1821- 1830      

12  8 

1831-1840 

1841-1850     

10.7 
9  1 

1851-1860 

8.5 

1861-1870  

12.7 

1871-1880  

10  1 

1881-1890 

6.7 

Total  90  years    .  . 

1,251,401,798 

0 

0 

Total,  1801-1820  (20  yrs.) 

Total,  1821-1860  (40  yrs.) 

Total,  1861-1890  ,30  yrs.) 

2,497,967 

104,0.52,573 

1,144,851,258 

0 

9,810,729 

88,439,966 

0 
9.4 

7.7 

Exports  of  refined  sugar  from  1821  to  1860  amounted  to 
104,052,573  pounds  ;  and  from  1861  to  1890  amounted  to 
144,851,258  pounds,  or  over  teii  times  as  much.  The  price 
has  decreased  largely. 


261 


Tallow. 


Yeara. 

Pounds. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Pound. 

1790-1800 

143,360 

305,968 

277,322 

3,682,857 

4,609,226 

80,250,874 

81,897,537 

349,759,013 
816,541,219 
680,481,833 

i 

n  ■ 

$38,892,107 
66,831,761 
40,598,660 

1801-1810 

1811-1820 

1821-18:30 

1831  1840 

1841-1850 

1851-1860 

1861-1870... 

1871-1880 

Cents. 
11.1 

8  2 

18  1-1890 

5  9 

Total,  101  years 

2,025,242,209 

0 

0 

Total,  1790-1861  (71  y  rs.) . . . 
"      1861-1890  (30 yrs.)... 

172,460,144 
1,852,782,065 

0 

$146,322,528 

0 

7.9 

Export  of  tallow  from  1790  to  1861,  71  years,  was  173,- 
460,144  pounds;  and  from  1861  to  1891  amounted  to 
1,852,782,065  pounds,  or  over  900  per  cent. 


TOBACCO. 
VALUES. 


Years, 

Leaf. 

Manufactures. 

Total. 

1811  1820     

$59,962,019 
56,889,291 
74,457,223 
81,662,219 
141,771,334 
223,961,794 
240,277,368 
212,457,818 

0 

$1,946,410 
4,433,842 
5,937,959 
19,660,012 
27,078,856 
27,2.'J6,201 
30,146,076 

0 

1821  1830 

$58,835,701 
78,891,065 
87,600,178 

161,437  346 

1831  1840     

1841  1850 

1851  1860     

1861-1870 

251,040,650 
267,533,569 

1871  1880  

1881  1890 

242,603,894 

Total,  80  years 

$1,091,439,066 

$116,459,356 

$1,147,942,403 

1821-1860 

$354,780,067 
676,696,980 

$31,978,223 
84,481,133 

$386,764,290 

1861-1890 

761,178,113 

The  records  show  the  exports  of  leaf  tobacco  to  be  by 
bales,  cases,  hogshead  and  pounds.  No  results  could  be 
derived  from  them ;  they  are  omitted  from  this  table. 

The  value  of  all  tobacco,  and  manufactures  of,  for  the 
30  years  ending  1890,  exceed  the  former  50  years  by  over 
100  per  cent. 

Tkunks,  Valises  and  Traveling  Bags. 

Years.  Values. 

1826-1830 $45,786 

1831-1840 47,912 

1841-1850 56,199 

1851^860 335,249 

1861-18T0 929,973 

1871-1880 1,496,163 

1881-1890 1,804,269 

Total  65  years $4,715,551 

Total  1826-1860  (35  years) $485,146 

"      1861-1890(30      "    )  4,230,405 


For  the  thirty  years  ending  with  1890,  the  expgrts 
exceeded  those  of  the  preceding  thirty-five  years  by 
$3,745,259,  or  nearly  nine  times  as  much. 


Wood  and  Manufactures  of. 

YEARS.  Values. 

1821-1830. $21,107,394 

1831-1840 29,682,626 

l&ll-185a 37,311,191 

1851-1860 87,119,027 

1861-1870 ■ 131,982,432 

1871-1880 170,749,624 

1881-1890 233,676,385 

Total  70  years $711,628,679 

Totall82l-l860  (40 years) $175,220,238 

"      1861-1890(30     "     ) 536,408,441 


During  the  forty  years  ending  with  1860,  there  was 
exported  of  wood,  and  manufactures  of,  amounted  to 
$175,220,238,  and  for  the  thirty  years  ending  with  1890, 
was  $536,408,441,  an  increase  of  $361,188,203,  or  over 
206  per  cent.  The  decade  ending  1890  exceeded  the 
former  decade  by  36  per  cent. 


Wool  and  Manufactures  of. 


Wool,  Raw  or  Unmanufactured. 

Manfs.  of 

Years. 

Pounds. 

Values. 

Value  per 
Pound. 

Values. 

1818       

60,935 
2,023,751 
4,317,764 
5,414,282 
1,523,029 
1,150,252 

$30,467 
454,746 
1,105,970 
1,827,329 
421,023 
257,977 

Cents. 
50. 
22.5 
25.6 
33,8 
27.6 
22.4 

0 

1846  1850 

0 

1851-1860 

1861-1870 

0 

$971,889 
2,579,990 
4,971,227 

1871  1880 

1881-1890 

Total     

14,490,013 

$1,097,512 

0 

0 

Total,  1860 

6,402,450 
8,087,563 

$1,591,183 
2,506,329 

24.9 
31. 

0 

"      61-90.. . , 

$8,523,106 

The  first  record  of  wool  appears  in  1818,  and  no  other 
until  1846.  For  the  16  years  ending  1860  there  was  ex- 
ported 6,402,450  pounds  at  an  annual  average  of  25  cts. 
per  pound.  For  the  30  years  ending  1890j  there  was  ex- 
ported only  14,490,013  pounds.  The  decrease  in  exporta- 
tion is  due  to  the  increased  manufacture  of  wool^^ 
goods,  etc. 


A  COMRADE  THEN, 
A  COMRADE  NOW 

"The  Union  soldiers  and  sailors 
are  now  veterans  of  time  as  well  as 
of  war.    The  parallels  of  age  have 
approached  close  to  the  citadels  of 
life,  and  the  end  for  eac^.  of  a  brave 
and  honorable  struggle  is  not  re- 
mote.     Increasing    infirmity   and 
years  give  the  minor  tones  of  sad- 
ness   and   pathos   to   the   mighty 
appeal   of  service   and    suffering. 
The  ear  that  does  not  listen  with 
sympathy  and  the  heart  that  does 
not   respond  with  generosity  are 
the  ear  and  heart  of  an  alien  and 
not  of  an  American.     Now,  soon 
again,  the  surviving  veterans  are 
to  parade  upon  the  great  avenue  of 
the   National    Capital,    and  every 
tribute  of  honor  and  love  should 
attend  the  march.    A  comrade  in 
the  column  of  the  victors  in  1865, 
I  am  not  less  a  comrade  now." 

— BBNJAMIN  HARRISON. 


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BERKELEY 


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MAff  l6  1921 
^^    1*.  tHzt 

28Nov'55Hi 


955  tS 


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